Tag: khambu

Bantawa Rai of the Amchoke region have a unique way of celebrating the yearly Ubhauli or Dongwanga (Beginning of monsoon and plantation).

According to legend, Khuirum Hangkhim and Namnu, who were related as son-in-law and father-in-law once chased a wild boar, which was eventually struck by their arrows at Mayung Lake (present-day Bhojpur). After the fatal strike, the boar fell to the ground and transformed into a stone in the shape of a deity, which became attached to a Gagun tree (Saurauia nepalensis). The boar was a forest deity in disguise, which they recognized as a Maang (deity) in the form of Sakenwalung, believed to bring great fortune to their village. This made them gather things for worship like ginger, water and Rice grains. After carrying out necessary rituals for the deity, Namnu requested the deity to come along with them to their village, and so the deity agreed.

They were overwhelmed with happiness and placed the Sakenwalung in their Thumsey (traditional wicker basket), dancing and singing. On their way home, at Chabung Buktang, east of the Bungwa River, Khuirum Hangkhim slipped, and the Sakenwalung fell from the Thumsey, getting impaled into the ground. After multiple attempts to remove it, they were unsuccessful and concluded that the deity had decided to stay there forever. They then placed other necessary items of worship and made it the Chongkha Sakenwa Than, a shrine where the people of the region could come for the annual worship of Mother Nature.

This story reveals the origins of the Chongkha Sakenwa Than. A recent discovery uncovered a giant brass bell dating back 200 years, said to be one of the oldest pieces of evidence that shapes the history of the Chongwa Sakenwa Thetlum (Than or Shrine).

Present day Mabjok region.

Above the Dudh kosi river, present day Dhintang, Chimawa, Bayang, Siddhathan were the areas of Mangpahang Bantawa living in 12 villages and the River Bungwa Hongku presently flowing in the Amchoke region. It covers the borders of Khotang and Bhojpur, runing between them. The Chongkha Sakenwa than is present in the Khotang side above the Bungwa river which borders Bhojpur.

These days Chongkha Sakenwa is specially celebrated by Khambu Rai of Amchoke region like Mangpahang, Hangkhim and Tanglukwa. Their 10 groups of generation are the ones who still carry out the traditional way of performing Chongkha Sakenwa.

10 elders from each 10 lineages who are also the head shamans of their respective branches, are often referred to as the 10 pagari or 10 Kirat who are the leaders of the overall region in both social, economic and spiritual issues.

They are named according to their age and designation like Jetha, Maila, Saila, Kaila1, Kaila 2, Thaila 1, Thaila 2, Thulo Kancha, Sano Kancha and Kancha. They have respective villages where they live with their own family like Namanta, Dambarkha, Chongkha, Dhangkha, Bhopung, Khawa, Makhuwa, Chumarang, Bhir Goan and Wasingthapu.

Chongkha Sakenwa takes place between the months of Jeth and Mangsir, after the monsoon has already begun. People are filled with excitement for their annual celebration, preparing food items, drinks, and roosters for sacrifice in advance.

On the first day:

Yamang tonma: It’s the day when the people ask for water to the deity of Sakenwa than, on Monday of Baishake Purnima. On this day all the 10 pagari or the Nachong(priest) take bath, and take out all the items that were kept safely after the last winter celebration of Udhauli. The entire family collectively moves toward the Sakenwa Than, playing the Dhol (Drum) and Jyamta (Cymbals). All 10 pagari from each family meet along the way to the destination, with some arriving early. Once all 10 pagari Nachong have gathered, the worship begins. After all the rituals the liquor that is brought is served to everyone, which ends the 1st day.

One month later:

Khalappa mang or Bhumi Puja: is carried out in respective Pagari’s land to please the deities before the grand celebration. All the villagers bring Hengmawa/Raksi (traditional alcohol) for offering, which is later distributed in between the people. And money is also collected from everyone for the celebration of Chongkha Sakenwa. All the expenditures are calculated and plans are made on this day.

Day before the celebration:

After Jeth and Mangsirey Purnima, the following Saturday, all the houses in the village is cleansed and Diwa Puja or Ancestral worship is performed. All the Dhol (traditional drums) and Jyamta(cymbals) are taken out by the Nachong and is washed and dipped in water of the nearby stream or creek for one night. Next day the animal skin is replaced by a new one, and all the items are cleansed by the Nachong to be used.

Sohan chakwa or pure water from the main source is used to perform all the cleansing works. The Samkhalung/Teen Chula (Hearth Stones) is worshipped and all the ancestors are remembered. Mundum is chanted for overall improvement with a sacrifice of a Rooster.

After the work in the house the villagers move towards the part of the hill which falls under the land of the Nachong in all the 10 pagari villages. Dewa Puja is the rituals performed in the land of each 10 pagari. Where all the instruments are taken out and Semuna silli or Sakenwa Lakcham of Bantawa Rai is performed. And after the worship all the villagers move to their houses for the preparations for the next day.

Main day:

All the Nachong take ritual bath and all the roosters are also washed which are ready for the sacrifice on the main place. All families in the village pray for overall welfare of the family and society.  In their specific villages the Nachong is congratulated and his Sayachongma (head raising ceremony) is done by the villagers.  Then everyone moves towards the Sakenwa than playing the Dhol and Jyamta dancing along the way. The whole atmosphere of the region becomes very pleasant.

A special dance form of the Bantawa Rai called Sakenwa Lakcham is done by everyone present and upon reaching the place all the drummers walk inside the Sakenwa than playing the Dhol by which it is believed that the negative spirits residing in that place is scared by the sound and wards off. Then all the 10 pagari according to their age and designation perform all the religious works and offer sacrifices to the deity. Turn wise all the 10 pagari finish the work and the people are then allowed to perform offering rituals.

After all the religious work, everyone dances the Sakenwa Lakcham with great energy and happiness ending the celebration of Sakenwa. Then on that same day, 3 km away from the Sakenwa than a big annual fair is carried out called the Mangsirey Mela, which the locals visit after the celebration till end of the day.

Within the social fabric of the Kirati Khambu Rai people, music has metamorphosed into a space for cultural discourse. It engages both performers and audiences, facilitating discussions about their heritage and personal encounters. It is also a part of their elaborate rituals. In addition to language, musical and religious behaviors exhibit a notable universality among modern humans. It is no different among the Khambu Rai people, where ritual songs seem to function as a catalyst for molding social landscapes, with the power to harmonize emotions, define social ties, conduct rites, and cultivate collective identities. As a result, it has emerged not just as an integral part of Kirat Khambu Rai culture and rituals but as a platform for recognizing and reconciling identities, driven by its multifarious nature.

A song is called Cham, which is an indispensable component of the Mundhum (traditions, rituals, and oral narrative of the Kirati Khambu Rai people), deeply intertwined with the Khambu way of life. Khambus actively engage in musical pursuits within their households, at marketplaces, and particularly during social gatherings, with a heightened presence during various rituals. Beyond mere entertainment, music assumes a central role in their social, religious, and ceremonial spheres. It serves several purposes, encompassing the realms of healing, assisting in daily chores, bolstering agricultural endeavors, accompanying essential life events such as weddings and funerals, and infusing vibrancy into festivals. For the Khambu Rai community, music isn’t merely an artistic medium but a profound means of conveying love and emotions. Consequently, ritual songs, deeply rooted in the Mundhum, constitute an integral facet of the Kirat Rai cultural narrative.

At the forefront of ritual songs is the Khambu Shamanic incantation. Also referred to as Rungpu Rishiwa or Rishiwa Bagbuipa, this segment of the Mundhum text is sung by various categories of Shamans, including Mangpa, Nakchhong, Nachhong, and Nokso. Typically, they recite the Mundhum while accompanied by the sounds of drums, cymbals, or the resonant tones of the clanging of brass plates. During this ritual, they may also enter into a trance-like state, establishing a profound connection with divine spirits on a spiritual plane. Although the Mundhum includes Boptomi Selemi, a sequence of ritual oratory recited by a Dowa or the family’s leader during ceremonies, it typically lacks any musical tune or melody. Rishiwa, however, resonates with a captivating tune, characterized by a distinct melodic quality while maintaining consistent rhythmic stability.

Pitch and intonation play essential roles in Khambu Rai ceremonial Shamanic chants. The music inherent to the Mundum language possesses a unique and uncommon essence. Diverging sharply from contemporary musical genres, it is a form of traditional tribal music exclusively employed within the context of Mundum rituals. While Shamanic songs inherently contain melody, it is the ritual language utilized in Mundhum songs that emphasizes particular melodic patterns. One can notice that the Mundum ritual language exhibits innate rhythmic, melodious, and poetic attributes, predominantly attributed to its inherent structural characteristics and the organization of rhyming binomials within it. Furthermore, the Khambu ritual speech is itself phonetically melodic in nature. For instance,

“Dongwanga, dongdawa, dongwanga dongdawa khida,
Sayachoksa, Wayaloksa banthen yetsa,
Nammang, Naamang, Chhinmang, Chhinmang lisa..”

“As the seasons change from winter to spring, spring to winter,
It is these changing seasons that give,
So all sentient beings continuously live..”

The comprehensive essence of Rishiwa, the potent vocals of the Shaman, and the resonating clangs are believed to possess the ability to embrace the energies of the unseen realm within the spiritual domain. In fact, the distinction between individuals and their environment, particularly among those engaged in the ceremony, seems to dissolve during rituals. These songs become defining features of a ritual. It becomes evident that Khambu ritual music serves to fulfill several crucial purposes: it orchestrates the ceremony, facilitates the reunion of family members, and revitalizes the essential life force (Saya) and physical aspects of reality.

Undoubtedly, the Kirat Khambu Rai community possesses unique indigenous frameworks to navigate metaphysical and epistemological facets of their culture and religion. Despite the encroachment of modernity, these systems have endured, primarily transmitted through oral traditions. These systems are embedded within the 29 Rai languages, encompassing both specialized and everyday dialects. In addition to ritualistic songs found in specialized linguistic forms, there are other genres designed to preserve the cultural narrative of indigenous knowledge systems, such as the Hopmacham.

Hopmacham is not classified as a shamanic genre, yet it holds a divine significance and is performed during specific rituals. The term “Hopmacham” is derived from “Hopma,” which translates to “to drink,” and “Cham,” which means “song.” However, it’s important to note that it doesn’t imply that it’s sung when someone is inebriated. While the consumption of Millet Beer (Charima Wasim) is a fundamental aspect of Khambu rituals, Hopmacham is a song that has the ability to evoke a sense of intoxication through its inherent power.

Anthropologist Martin Gaenszle writes, “The Hopmacham is not a shamanic genre, and it is not sung for the purpose of healing. Yet it is regarded as possessing a special kind of efficacy, a kind of magic. It is commonly explained, for example, that it can bring rain in the case of drought, it can bring life to dead trees, it can charm animals and trees, it can even light fire, and above all, it can evoke intense emotions, both sadness, and happiness, in the listeners. But at the same time, it is seen as dangerous for the performer because, if not sung properly, with adequate competence, the singer can become ill – or even die.”

Hopmacham is sung during events that evoke a profound connection with deceased ancestors. It means that in various Khambu Rai rituals where the ancestral spirits are invoked, this song serves as a medium that links ordinary individuals without any shamanic abilities to their ancestors. Traditionally, Hopmacham is performed after Sakela festivities and also at wedding ceremonies.  Hopmacham is fundamentally the melody of nature, resonating in harmony with the natural frequencies of the universe. It is believed to be comprehensible to all living creatures, including plants and flowers.

 In Kirati Rai culture, music serves as the vital link between the spirit realm and the community. The primary purpose of musical performances is typically rooted in spirituality. Shamans employ music as a method of conveying guidance for healing or addressing collective crises, benefiting both individuals and the community. However, music also plays a significant role in expressing the emotions and, most significantly, the beliefs of the Kirati Khambu Rai people. It strongly influences their cultural customs. Beyond its customary ritualistic function, music holds an essential place in Khambu Rai social life. The following are some of the various musical genres that are an integral part of the Khambu community.

Hiya Cham: Festive Singing
This particular song, known as “Hiya Cham,” is typically performed during wedding ceremonies. Those accompanying the bride and groom sing this song, symbolically representing the couple.

Saima Cham: Joyous Duet
“Saima Cham” features a male and a female taking turns singing. The lyrics may revolve around themes of love, and the overall tone can carry flirtatious undertones. This song is commonly sung during festive occasions, especially during the spring and fall festivals of Sakela.

Bukundi Cham: Forest Resonance
“Bukundi Cham” differs from traditional Cham songs, as it involves shouting in a musical manner. When Khambus are out collecting firewood or cutting grass in the forest, they may wander off, leaving their friends behind. After a while, as one takes a break, they may realize they are alone. To ensure their friends are nearby and to alleviate any fear, they shout out a specific song. If a friend hears the call, they continue with the song, setting off a relay that serves to confirm their presence and dispel any sense of isolation.

Musical Instruments (Kane)
The following are the everyday instruments that the Khambus use for the accompaniment of songs or a worship ritual:

Chhamchong Kane – Large Drum beaten by sticks
Sumni Kane – Cymbals
Chhenbi Kane – Tossing of Coins for Percussion
Samba Kane (Yalambar Baaja) – Bamboo Drum
Dong Kane (Binayo) – Slit Bamboo Mouth Instrument
Karu Kane (Murchunga) – Jew’s Harp
Bibilima Kane – Flute
Phoppi Kane – Slit Bamboo Blow Instrument
Sili Kane – Percussion Instrument used during Sili Dance
Sumbak Kane –Leaf
Suipasang Kane –Whistle
Pung Kane – Buffalo Horn
Chhowa Kane – Pan Flute

Khambu shamanic tradition states that a Shaman (Mangpa/Nakchhong) is chosen by the spirits and that this selection happens when one is born with awakened consciousness or energy. This consciousness, known as “Chhi” or “Chha” is supposedly capable of accessing vibrations that are subjectively defined as a psycho-spiritual effect, experienced as an intense stirring within and through oneself. The Khambus explain this as the receiving of an external spirit into the body, however briefly. These embodied agencies or spirits are independent entities who either incarnate to fulfill their agendas or can be summoned at the will of the Shaman. Such contact with spirits always occurs in altered states of consciousness. 

There are several types of Khambu Shamans or Mangpas. There are Nakchhongs who can only perform household lineage rituals or the ones who can conduct Lam Pakma, the rites of passage and seance. Some have the capability of performing Sakela rituals, while others can perform exorcism involving external entities, unrelated to the clan. The ‘flower’ Shaman, Bungpenmi/Bungmangpa, however, is the most inimitable one. He is unique, for he views life essence as flowers and heals the ailing, using it. Bungpenmis are very rare among a host of different types of Shamans in the Kirat Khambu Rai tribe. Bungpenmis revere Budahang- a divine ancestral spirit. 

For the Bungpenmi, the human body is embellished with imperceptible, rare flowers found in the mountains, hills, and plains. An impure body could cause these flowers to move from their usual position, or wither away, thereby creating health problems. For mental composure and good health, these body flowers need to be in their correct spots. The Khambu concept of life essence or life breath is centered around different levels of souls, all equally important for physical and spiritual well-being. Various levels of conscious and subconscious spiritual essence such as Lawa, Saya, Nungwa, Sakma, Sakon, and the physical body, function as one unit to give life and health to an individual. This unit must remain intact and whole for spiritual, mental, and physical health.

The shamanic concept of illness is usually about the loss of vital essence (saato haraunu) or some individual dishonor (seer dhalnu), which can occur for various reasons, including fright, a transgression, or a play of negative energies. Other illness reasons could include the consequences of external intrusion in the body. When a person is afflicted with such, the invisible flowers on the body are displaced, and the Bungpenmi must make appropriate adjustments. This healing ritual is called Bungwa Bakma.

Bungwa Bakma is performed right after Sakela Dongdawa (Descending Period/Udhauli). The Bungpenmi has an apprentice called Chuptungmi, who also has an assistant called Dengsungmi. They help the Bungpenmi collect rare Himalayan flowers required for this ritual. These flowers, essential to the rite, usually grow on the most remote terrains of the Himalayan foothills. Bungpenmis have a list of 362 flowers that only they can identify with precision. Since these flowers will be used in the ritual to honor Budahang, the Bungpenmi must sing the Mundhum (ritual language) to explain and justify the picking of these flowers to the divine spirit. Thus, while collecting them, the Bungpenmi is in a constant Shamanic trance as he repeatedly keeps chanting the Mundhum. An error could be fatal to the physical well-being of the Bungpenmi and his assistants. This marks the beginning of the Shaman’s spiritual journey and the success of the ritual, therefore, falls not only on the Shaman’s ritual chanting but also on his ability to pick the right flowers. Finding specific flowers is imperative to the success of the ritual’s outcome. Special care is demanded to avoid ‘impurities’. A flower, once plucked, must be covered with its own leaves, before being collected in a bag. 

Before the ritual, everyone gathers at the house of the clan elder to finalize the appropriate date for the ritual. Usually, the village elder’s house will be chosen as the venue for Bungwa Bakma. The entire village participates in the welcoming, hosting, and managing of the ritual. Select members of the house that hosts the ritual, must take alcohol-filled dried gourd (Wabuk/Chindo) to the Bungpenmi to summon him. The Bungpenmi agrees to the date and the venue and gives his word to be there for the ritual. Extended family members are invited on the suggestion of the Bungpenmi The invited members will bring alcohol, ginger, and rice grains as offerings. These offerings come from female members and are called Chhetkusaya.

The occasion possesses a certain solemnity. A feast is prepared, the house and the hearth are cleaned and purified, and the participants wait for the Shaman. The Bungpenmi arrives carrying the flower basket (Bungwa Paanti), and the assistant holds the bag filled with flowers. They are greeted with a gourd full of alcohol each. Traditional Khambu white turban, Sayabung, is placed over their heads to honor them. The assistant will then distribute the alcohol among them all for a drink. After a drink, the Bungpenmi asks for formal permission from the family to begin the ritual. This ritual, which lasts a day, shows that ancestral spiritual energy is the ultimate source of authority as the rules of the ritual demand absolute precision. For a moment, the Shaman exists only as a human representative of a tradition that relies, above all, on the transcendent source of ancestral spiritual energy.  

Before the ritual begins, a bed of banana leaves is laid out before the Hearthstones (Suptulung)- the sanctum sanctorum of the Kirati Khambus. Rice grains, ginger, and a gourd full of alcohol are placed nearby. Another banana leaf is placed atop to cover them. Upon that leaf, more rice grains, ginger, and required flowers are spread out. To the left side of these two leveled offerings, there is a grail of water. Green sprigs of the Castanopsis plant (Chille Kattus) soak in this water. The ritual also requires millet beer (Charima Wasim) in a cup and in a traditional wooden grail called Kathuwa. The Bungpenmi, who now begins his role as the officiant, is seated before the altar and begins the rite. Chanting the Mundhum ritual speech, he verifies the presence of the tutelary spirit and begins the divinatory phase of the ritual. The ritual flowers are employed to look into the past, present, and future. 

The Bungpenmi organizes the flowers upon the Banana leaf sequentially, concerning its usefulness and symbolism. He then holds the flower container while chanting the Mundhum ritual speech relentlessly. At each instance that a Bungpenmi mentions a flower, the assistant picks up that particular flower and gives it to him. At different periods, the rite allows for a brief break (Tumdhama). Some alcohol is imbibed as an offering. At this moment, the flower container is placed underneath the ritual altar. These are small relational nodes of connection between souls and the flowers where the Bungpenmi collectively converses with the divine spirit in an autonomous yet coordinated way.

Beginning with the father, the Bungpenmi, following exact hierarchical order, asks for the clan, lineage, and origins (Pacha, Samet, Sohon) of everyone present. The daughters and other young participants place rice grains and money as offerings to be utilized along with the flowers for divination. By slicing the Ginger Rhizome (Kachur), the Shaman attempts to obtain precise information about the nature and seriousness of any problem that could have come upon the family members. Owing to this information, the Shaman uses the physical, tangible flowers to see and transform the center of gravitation for all realities and reposition and align all imperceptible flowers, thereby healing all ailments. 

Outside the house, a rooster has to be sacrificed. Its blood cannot touch any of Budahang’s flowers. In evoking the connection between the transcendent forces and the ritual, the motif of the Rooster offering also leads us to consider another basic theme, characteristic of Bungwa Bakma. While the flowers are for the declared purpose of calling the attention of the Budahang spirit, the aim of the Rooster offering, at this phase, is to appease the presence of other divine entities that have somehow permeated into the ritual space. The myth says:

Waarihang and Kumdapuhang are the other names of Budahang. Badetkumma and Saisakumma are his two wives. These two wives did not get along with each other. The Mundhum says that the other name of Badetkumma is Dolokumma. There was once a fight between Badetkumma (Dolokumma) and Saisakumma where they used magical powers against each other. In the duel, Dolokumma attacked Saisakumma’s vision and blinded her. From that day onwards, Saisakumma’s suffering became eternal. She also crawls because she cannot walk.

While worshipping Budahang, the flowers that represent him are positioned near the Hearthstones. Similarly, Dolokumma is also worshipped inside the house. Only the Rooster sacrificial rite is performed outside to appease Saisakumma. While worshipping Saisakumma, the Bungpenmi, to emulate the suffering of the divine female spirit, crawls up to the threshold for the sacrificial rite. The tradition of rooster sacrifice, in honor of Saisakumma, besides conceptually catering to the idea of revering the ancestor spirit, can also be inferred as a ritual connected with the space in which the healing takes place. The surrounding becomes a manifestation of human empathy, the realm within which Khambu rites find a form of human expression. This rite is to relieve the suffering of Saisakumma, which will, in return, ultimately help heal the suffering of the living. 

While crawling outside, the Bungpenmi carries a flower container, a gourd or grail of water, and chants the Mundhum continuously. This part of the ritual is also known as Saisla. Now alcohol and water are offered and Kachur is carried out. The ritual has animated the surrounding space to allow for healing. The conceptual opposition between well-being and suffering has been ratified by ritual. Now, the Bungpenmi has to aid the return of the invoked ancestral spirits. At the end of the session, all the items employed during the ritual are gathered and taken towards the north, and duly honoured with libations of beer. The participants all drink a little alcohol and eat the Rooster meat as offerings.  

The ritual, that sees an ailment as an unstable apparatus detrimental to humans, thus transforms, as a self-correcting attribute of nature, into a potent process at human disposal to urge the ancestor spirits to exchange for their offerings, the gift of well-being. Bungwa Bakma demonstrates that it is through the will of the Bungpenmi that men can utilize to their exclusive advantage, the obligations stemming from this correlation of ritual exchange. 

Sakela is the formless, genderless divine nature spirit revered by the Khambu Rai people. As the most potent and prominent divine source since ancient times, for many Khambu Rai sub-tribes, Sakela represents a powerful spirit and a guardian of their sacred places. In the Khambu Rai belief system, it is hard to distinguish definitively between a ‘spirit’ and the more intangible ‘life force’ that helps animate that spirit. But in their polytheistic spirit pantheon, Sakela is the only divine entity who is distinguishably viewed as both – a guardian spirit and also a unifying life force inherent in all aspects of nature. 

For the Khambu Rai people, there is no separation between religion and traditions. Their entire spiritual system is encircled and guided by an interchangeable sense of both. The worship rituals of Sakela come from Khambu traditions and Kirat religion for both are not mutually exclusive. The Khambu Rai physical world, right from the hearth to the fields and forests, is steered by the presence of nature spirits and ancestral souls, hidden and yet omnipresent. The bi-annual worship of Sakela lends expression to this nature venerating belief. Sakela rituals are not only directed at the present but also towards the future, as determinants of the growth of all sentient beings nurtured by nature. Nature worship is an integral part of religion and traditions in Kirat Rai culture.

Sakela is the name of the divine spirit and also the name of the festival where that divine spirit is worshipped. There are different nomenclatures of Sakela in different Khambu languages. The Chamling sub-tribe calls it Sakela. Bantawas call it Sakewa or Sakenwa while the Thulungs call it Toshi. Regardless of these differences in terminology, all Khambus worship Sakela twice a year.

First, during Dongwanga (Ubhauli/Ascending period) and then Dongdawa (Udhauli/Descending period). Dongwanga is observed during the rising period in spring and Dongdawa during the falling period before the coming of winter, after harvest. Sakela Dongwanga is worshipped and celebrated before the cultivation of the fields begins. Khambus pray to the divine spirit for the protection of the crops and an abundant harvest. They also ask for the protection of Hangchapok (Mankind) along with all sentient beings. 

Sakela Dongdawa is observed after the harvest when crops have been reaped and stored in granaries. It is observed and celebrated to offer gratitude to the divine spirit for protecting the crops and the village. From the worship ritual to the performing of the Sili (ritualistic traditional dance), Khambus consider this a grand event of great significance. Sakela has been an integral part of Khambu Rai life and culture throughout the centuries.

Khambu Rai myth, on many occasions, describes the genesis of Sakela. Various sub-tribes transmit different stories though all share the same idea and reason behind the celebration and worship of Sakela. The elders who communicate these stories express the narrative of drawing on nature’s powers and forces to promote welfare and prosperity. While these stories invariably hint at the beginning of the agriculture age in Khambu consciousness, they also introduce ancestral forces that help maintain harmony between people and the natural environment.

For the Khambu Rai people, Sakela motivates a value system that guides conservation and also encourages connection to surroundings, and fosters socio-economic activities. It is the living memory of a people, nurtured by ancestral energies, traditions, and the pursuit of physical and spiritual well-being. 

Many believe that Sakmawa was the original name for Sakewa or Sakela. Sakma means “life” and Wa means “water”. Sakmawa is water that nourishes life. Prior to the actual Sakela worship rituals, all water sources are cleaned and purified by the Sakela Shaman (Nakchhong). In the Sakela worship system, only the Shamans who have received divine guidance through dreams (Sechisenmi), whether he is the main officiant or an apprentice trainee shaman, can see the actual location of the Sakela idol. The Shaman will be able to identify the exact location through his dreams. This stone representation of the Sakela divine spirit forms the main idol in the shrine.

Over various generations, such stone idols are always unearthed at locations remote and far from human settlements. Khambu Rai people believe, therefore, that Sakela worship is willed by nature spirits and not by human desire. Known locally by many names such as Sisamlung, Longmalung, or Thungmalung, Khambus believe that this idol stone ultimately connects with the vibrational energy of the Shaman, thereby leading to Shamanic tremble and trance during the worship ritual itself. The idol is to be venerated as a manifestation of the Sakela spirit and its energy. 

The Shaman who has received the divine dream leads his followers up to the location of the idol stone. Sometimes the designated stone idol is beneath the ground and has to be dug up. It is up to the people to decide the venue for Sakela celebrations. Kirat Rai culture and traditions make participation almost mandatory in a Sakela festival. Some volunteer to carry the sacred Sakela idol and some will carry the drums and cymbals. There will be people who will arrange for the necessary items required for worship rituals. This is the time for the gathering of family, friends, and neighbors (Rumipani Khimpeninampeni/Isthamitra.N).

The Shaman uses his power devices such as Solonwa (Bottle Gourd), Acheta (Rice Grains), Bechuk/Subi (Ginger) as he breaks into a Mundhumi trance as the Sakela idol is positioned upon a pre-decided conducive location. The entire procession is led by the Shaman in a grand ceremony. The procession is symbolic of a united affiliation and participation within a clan or lineage. It epitomizes collective reverence for the divine spirit and provides communal entertainment through songs, dancing, and drumming.

Sakela counters the notion of human superiority. It recognizes the equality of all beings, plants, animals, water and stones, and the spirits of the mountains and the rivers. The festival of Sakela and its collective participation reinforce human kinship with the natural world and propagate the idea that all beings are alike, often bound by the same powers, potentials, limitations, and outcomes.

Samkhalung, also called Suptulung, refers to the hearthstones of the Khambu Rai tribe. Colloquially referred “Chula Dhunga”, Samkhalung is an integral part of Rai traditions. At the risk of oversimplifying cultural practices, we can say that Khambu Rai worship traditions involve a set of beliefs that can be classified into two parts – nature worship in the form of Divine Spirits and Ancestor Worship. Departed ancestors are assumed to wield great authority, having special powers to influence the course of events or to control the well-being of their living relatives. While the nature spirits look after the forests, water sources, crops, and harmony among all sentient beings, deceased ancestors serve as mediators by providing access to spiritual guidance and power.

For the Khambu Rai tribe, Samkhalung is the house altar, the sanctum sanctorum through which Ancestral spiritual energies can be accessed, invoked, and communicated. Samkhalung becomes the medium that connects the physical world to the spiritual realm. The word “Samkha” means ancestors and “Lung” means stones. The hearth is both a shrine and the kitchen – an altar that is also used for regular cooking. Of course in the modern age, the advent of gas and induction stoves has rendered the Hearth into only a place of worship, but in the old days, the family would sit by the hearth, cook their food and have dinner every night. Traditions dictate that whenever an elder passed away, he would be remembered by the living members; sitting by the hearth. His spiritual energies would be experienced by the living members of the family.

The Hearthstones collectively, at the center of all Khambu worship systems, is not only a celebration of the living culture of their traditions, but it represents the belief that the Samkhalung is the source of all spiritual energy, strength, abundance, and health. This is so because of the presence of a remarkable bio-geometry in the structure of the Samkhalung. Different sub-tribes of the Khambu Rais have different nomenclatures for the three Samkhalung stones, but to simplify it, let us call the three stones, (1) Papalung: symbolizing male ancestors, (2) Mamalung: symbolizing female ancestors, and (3) Ramilung: symbolizing societal spiritual energies.

Outside the 3 stones (lungs), a 360 degree perimeter is created by placing 4 flat stones in all directions. These stones are placed such that each stone creates a further 90 degree angle. A flat stone is placed at the bottom of the three main lungs. This stone remains invisible since it is placed underground. The Stones of the Samkhalung/Hearth provide a geometrical axiom that gives it balance and equilibrium to harness spiritual energies. The outer perimeter is known as the Saanglaakhepbu while the flat stone underneath is known as Thechelung. Thechelung remains warm even after the fire is extinguished thereby keeping the hearth and the home warm. The energies produced during the Pitri worship remains intact because Thechelung remains warm and still, long after the ritual ends.

The combination of the element of Fire and the Geometrical Shape of the Stones is both creative and destructive, its qualities are brightness, thinness and motion and its mode is active. It is fire that Khambu Rai ancestors used to warm their homes and used to cook food, sit around it to ward off the darkness of night. During the ritual of Pitri worship/Mang Sewa, the fire becomes a witness to the Oral Voyage (Mundhum) one takes to protect life from the adversity of negative entities that could emerge. It is believed that during the ritual the spiritual realm is opened and the house forms a systematic medium inhabited by the living, to now be made ready for the ancestors to arrive. It is altered into a space into which the ancestors are fleetingly transported but also where negative entities wandering about the village may penetrate but thanks to Ramilung, they cannot enter the house.

Within the realm of the divine connection between man and his ancestors, the man seeks to identify and demarcate a space for himself and his family members. It is at this moment that the ideal borders of the village do not exist, nor even the walls of the house provide protection any longer. Only the four stones sides forming the outer perimeter of the sanctum/hearth can now be a place of refuge, in a world that has become entirely a vacant space; belonging to everyone and no one.

Also known as Bio geometry (the geometry of shapes), the shape of a Khambu Samkhalung helps unlock the energies of the spiritual realm. The Khambus believe that the Hearth Stones are the medium between the spirit world and the human world; the foundation of the all creation- in life and in death.

Khambu is a tribe. Within this tribe there are subgroups or sub-tribes which are known as Thars. At present there are 28 Thars within the Khambu tribe. Khambu is a tribe. Within this tribe there are subgroups or sub-tribes which are known as Thars. At present there are 28 Thars within the Khambu tribe. Khambu is a tribe. Within this tribe there are subgroups or sub-tribes which are known as Thars. At present there are 28 Thars within the Khambu tribe.

Thar

Khambu is a tribe. Within this tribe there are subgroups or sub-tribes which are known as Thars. At present there are 28 Thars within the Khambu tribe. Some of the more populous ones are Chamling, Bantawa, Kulung, Thulung, Khaling, Bahing, Mewahang, Lohrung, Athpahare, Nachhiring  etc. This division of the Khambus into various sub-tribes allows for the minor alterations in the ritualistic practices while the essence of the traditions remains homogeneous largely.

Pacha

Within the sub-tribe is the system of clans. Thars are further classified into various minor clans known as Pacha. Pa = Father and Cha =Son. Therefore this system is what can be called a family name passed on by father to son. As families spread, it is the Pacha which keeps them connected over many generations. Therefore two people with the same Pacha cannot intermarry.  Pacha is used for general introductions of origin whereas Samet is used for special introduction of origin. Similar Pacha denotes that they are descendents of the same ancestral line which had been divided into further mini tribes in the old days. It is said that once a person owns his own Pacha, he will have to survive on his own for 7 generations after which Pacha becomes valid. Once a girl gets married, she acquires her husband’s Pacha while her traditional Samet remains unchanged.

Samet

There is a further classification within the Pacha known as the Samet or Same. Samet is 
again further classified into Hongchi Samet which consists of the Female and Male Samet (prevalent among most Thars). There is another kind of Samet which is known as Sichi Samet. This is the Samet of the deceased which is usually required for invocation during Mang Sewa (Ancrestral Worship). 

Samet is the relationship of man to his ancestors. It is used as an association with his ancient forefathers is can be interpreted not just in the kinship category but more at a spiritual level. Samet is the original or proto name which identifies people, clans and objects in their relations with the ancestors. Samet relates a person to a group beyond his or her own clan to the original clan or group.

It is important to pronounce the name of the Samet of the groom and the bride at the time of marriage. It is important to pronounce the Samet of the deceased person at the time of his funeral. Even when Shamans are healing a person, they require the Samet of the person to be treated.

Unlike many traditions of the Indian sub continent (especially those of Aryan communities) not much is specified regarding daughters when they are married off. Kirati Khambu Mundhum however specifically ensures the comfort, safety and well being of our daughters even after they get married.

During the marriage of Kirati Khambus, the girl has to be officially given to the groom by a”dialogue” called Bagdatta which translates to “given by word of mouth”. By the means of this Bagdatta the bridegroom is accorded certain rights with respect to the bride, such as legitimacy of their offspring. Consequently she is separated (taken out) from her family Suptulung (Hearth Stones/Chula Dhunga).During this ceremony the ancestors and the protecting deities are requested not to follow the daughter henceforth.

When a Kirati Khambu Rai girl is married off, she has to be cared for by her husband. If he does not fulfill his responsibilities which lead to tensions in their married life, the family of the wife intervenes. They provide advice, suggestions or counseling to the married couple. If the couple still opts for separation, the man owing full responsibility of not abiding by his duties and obligations, has to pay a fine consisting of alcohol, victuals and money to the girl. This fine is considered to be helpful to purify the separation and the unbinding of the marriage and is called “Chokhauni” (Nepali ?).

The separated daughter has to be brought back to the family lineage or “Kul” with the help of Nakchhongs or Mangpas. The daughter is then reentered into the Suptulung and purified.This tradition is called Ukundi and is unuique only to the Kirati Rai society.Once Ukhundi is complete, the daughter is given a “unmarried” status in the family. .The offspring of the daughter can decide whether they want to be a part of their mother’s lineage of their father’s lineage.

Ukhundi ensures that a Kirati Khambu Rai daughter is never neglected by her family and birth parents. This system creates strong family bonds and therefore strengthens a tribe. In a world where Kirati customs today (ironically by Kirati youth) are viewed as barbaric, Ukhundi system is a testament to the beauty and morality of a culture.

It is said that Sumnima created five plants on earth to benefit mankind and to conduct rituals (Hangcha Kupma).

1. Ghungring (Poaceae),
2. Kaulo (Machilus),
3. Amliso (Thysanolaena maxima/Tiger grass),
4. Titepati (Mugwort)
5. Katus (Castanopsis)

These were each created to serve specific purposes. The Katus plant holds great significance in the protection of people from evil spirits but it is also said that the tree holds such power that sometimes any spirit can be warded off in the presence of a twig or even a leaf of a Katus tree. Most Mangpas cannot find a state of trance if a person closest to him is carrying a Katus leaf or a twig.

In the saga of Khakchulip/Hetchakuwa,when the sisters (Tayama/Khiyama) are finally reunited with Khakchulip, their long lost brother, they dance around a Katus tree. Their jubilance is also based on the fact that they find their brother alive (whom they had thought was dead) and therefore the tree is symbolic as the tree of life. While they dance, they say, ‘’We have trodden on our Maiti, now we raise the head of the Maiti (Sayachongma)’’. In this context, the significance and symbolism of the Katus tree extends greatly.

The Kirat Mundhum places great importance on Katus. It says that living or dead spirits can be lost in its presence and the plant can be used to purify a person in times of great difficulty or ill health. The twigs of the plant can also be used as a medium to communicate with the ancestors in the spiritual realm. During Sakela or any ritual, when the Kirati Khambus are doing the Sili (Dance), the whole atmosphere is open to spiritual energies. At such times, the whole attention of the spiritual realm is focused on the Sili and it could either please or aggravate the spiritual energies. The spirits, in a state of trance could enter the body of any dancer. It is to avoid such mishap that one can see Sili dancers carrying twigs of the Katus tree while dancing.

The Kirat Mundhum religion has its own rules, laws, bylaws, code of conduct, and discipline. It is up to the Shamans (Mangpas) to facilitate them. A Mangpa is a medium between the physical and the divine.

• Mangdowa
• Nakchhong
• Saarimangpa
• Mangpa
• Bungwa Mangpa

a. Mangdowa/Woptongmi
Mangdowa performs worship rituals of one particular family lineage. Other than this, he helps pray for peace and harmony and strength from the ancestors. A Mangdowa has no teacher and are self learned.

b. Nakchhong
During the lack of a crop harvest, Nakchhongs perform worship rituals during Rawa Udhauli and Ubhauli. They are self-learned, self-realized and do not have a teacher. During the unavailability of Nakchhongs, others can be chosen to perform the ritual worship at the Sakenwa altar. They do not have to worship the Hutlung (Sanctum Stones) after that.

c. Saarimangpa
Saarimangpas heal people who are affected by ghosts, bad spirits, or witches. They perform rituals using rice grains (acheta) to pacify wandering body-snatching spirits. It is believed that Saarimangpas establish wandering spirits (borne of unnatural death) into the ancestral spirit world. They gain knowledge and wisdom from a guru. During rituals, they use Bouquet Grass (Amliso), Ginger (Aduwa), Persea dutbei (Kaulo), Poaceae (Ghungring), White Castanopsis (Kattus).

d. Rungpukmi/Rawenmi
The Mangpas who have no masters are always self-learned. Many Mangpas claim to be disciples of the Ban Jhankri (forest-dwelling Shaman). Such Mangpas are known as Raahangmi, Suksangmi Mangpas. Such Mangpas use flowers even more than the Saarimangpas during their rituals. They bring Mamaang (female evil spirits) and Halla (male wandering spirits) onto the right path and help the people affected by such spirits. Thereafter, the Kirat Mundhum believes that people are freed from the adverse effect of such spirits.

e.Bungwamangpa
There are flowers located at different body parts of the Kiratis and if these flowers are moved or withered, Bungwamanpas reestablish them. Since they are self-learned, they do not have a teacher. With the help of 362 different flowers, they travel the universe during their ritualistic process.  They can change their appearances (Chusawa) and can also become invisible. These are powerful Shamans. They worship Budahang and also known as Bungpenmimangpa. Mundhum says that they possess tantric powers to kill their enemies.

As Sumnima and Paruhang are considered the creators of the world, Ginger is considered a manifestation of their hands. For the Khambu Rai people, Ginger is sacred. Learned Mangpas use ginger before they start predicting anyone’s future. In order to do this, the process of “Kachur” is important. Mangpas hold the ginger in their left hand and with a small sickle they slice the ginger in a quick motion. When the ginger hits the floor, it is either faced down or upward. If the ginger is facing downward it is considered a symbol of Paruhang or + (Positive Sign).

The Mangpa then slices another portion of the Ginger and this time if the slice is facing upwards (i.e the raw open part faces the sky), it is considered a symbol of Sumnima or –(Minus Sign). When this happens, the future is considered good, profitable or prosperous. But if in case both the times, the ginger slice faces downward or + + (plus plus) sign is created, the future is not considered favorable. Or if its – – (minus minus) both the times, the future is still bleak and not good. Only when there is a combination of Positive and Negative signs, that the floor becomes a medium of “Earthing”and the future looks favorable.

Since Sumnima and Paruhang are considered creators of the world, their union, through Ginger is considered important. Fruitful results can be achieved with a combination of both the Positive and Negative signs together. This is as important as Mathematical Probability or the Chinese Yin and Yang. This is also as important as the combination of the Blade (Male) and Chalice (Female) in Pagan Cultures of the West.

In the Kirati Khambu Rai world, the event of death is classified by the nature of circumstances connected with its occurrence. As a rule, death is distinguished according to the causes of the decease. There are two basic kinds; death from old age or illness and death from accidents or violent causes. Any natural cause of death, typically of old age provides the deceased with an opportunity to exit from earthly existence to enter the spiritual realm and be united with the ancestors. During death by accident of violent means, the traumatic event that shakes a person and the sudden and irreversible removal from earthly existence does not immediately eliminate the consciousness of the material world from the mind of the deceased and while the person reaches another dimension, his instinctive tendency is to regain the previously occupied social role before his soul’s separation from the body.

Such spirits could become “ Sehe “ or wandering spirits. Female Sehe is called Mamang and male Sehe is called Halla. The spiritual realm of the female Sehe is in a space within the earth. According to the Kirat Mundhum, it is suspended in a singularity, a corner or a cave where no living man can ever enter. Male Sehe also have a definite spiritual realm. It is suspended within the living earth but invisible to our perceptions. It could be in a deep forest or a desert or a hill. Male Sehe can float with the wind and they haunt the beasts in the forest. The Mundhum says that one can control these wandering spirits. Both male and female Sehe are in unimaginable pain and to bring them back to the right location, the Mangpa uses certain instruments to float with the wind. But this can be done only when he detaches himself from his own hearth stones (Chula Dhunga) to enter the spirit world and find them.

The Mangpa makes a long spiritual journey starting from the sacred rivers of east Nepal, gathering Mundhum knowledge from Khokwalung (rock at the confluence of Arun, Dudhkoshi and Tamor rivers) and finally crossing a desert to brings back the Sehes and to put them at eternal peace.