Khambu is a tribe. Within this tribe there are subgroups or sub-tribes which are known as Thars. At present there are 28 Thars within the Khambu tribe. Khambu is a tribe. Within this tribe there are subgroups or sub-tribes which are known as Thars. At present there are 28 Thars within the Khambu tribe. Khambu is a tribe. Within this tribe there are subgroups or sub-tribes which are known as Thars. At present there are 28 Thars within the Khambu tribe.
Table of Contents
Thar
Khambu is a tribe. Within this tribe there are subgroups or sub-tribes which are known as Thars. At present there are 28 Thars within the Khambu tribe. Some of the more populous ones are Chamling, Bantawa, Kulung, Thulung, Khaling, Bahing, Mewahang, Lohrung, Athpahare, Nachhiring etc. This division of the Khambus into various sub-tribes allows for the minor alterations in the ritualistic practices while the essence of the traditions remains homogeneous largely.
Pacha
Within the sub-tribe is the system of clans. Thars are further classified into various minor clans known as Pacha. Pa = Father and Cha =Son. Therefore this system is what can be called a family name passed on by father to son. As families spread, it is the Pacha which keeps them connected over many generations. Therefore two people with the same Pacha cannot intermarry. Pacha is used for general introductions of origin whereas Samet is used for special introduction of origin. Similar Pacha denotes that they are descendents of the same ancestral line which had been divided into further mini tribes in the old days. It is said that once a person owns his own Pacha, he will have to survive on his own for 7 generations after which Pacha becomes valid. Once a girl gets married, she acquires her husband’s Pacha while her traditional Samet remains unchanged.
Samet
There is a further classification within the Pacha known as the Samet or Same. Samet is again further classified into Hongchi Samet which consists of the Female and Male Samet (prevalent among most Thars). There is another kind of Samet which is known as Sichi Samet. This is the Samet of the deceased which is usually required for invocation during Mang Sewa (Ancrestral Worship).
Samet is the relationship of man to his ancestors. It is used as an association with his ancient forefathers is can be interpreted not just in the kinship category but more at a spiritual level. Samet is the original or proto name which identifies people, clans and objects in their relations with the ancestors. Samet relates a person to a group beyond his or her own clan to the original clan or group.
It is important to pronounce the name of the Samet of the groom and the bride at the time of marriage. It is important to pronounce the Samet of the deceased person at the time of his funeral. Even when Shamans are healing a person, they require the Samet of the person to be treated.
Kipat is collective land ownership or a communal land tenure system. The ancient Kirati Khambus, who became the first settlers on any land, identified themselves with its soil and water source. Kirat Mundhum says, “the earth or any patch of land does not belong to humans but the humans surely belong to the earth”. The tradition of collective cultivation existed among the Khambus long before any form of land ownership or taxation systems developed. A tribe would cultivate the land together and distribute the harvest among themselves. This idea of cultivating land together and a sense belonging to the land came to be called “Kipat”.
The Sen Kings, in an act of truce with the Kiratis right up to 1772 CE, had maintained the Kipat system with the Kiratis. This was upheld by Karna Sen and Buddhikarna Rai. The Kirati lands of Majh Kirat enjoyed the Kipat system long before the Gorkhalis came knocking at their doors in 1772 CE. ‘Kipat’ was a form of communal land ownership. Kipat land was kept as a tribal area where it was acquired by someone having a membership in a particular ethnic group. This provided a four point advantage to the Kiratis during that time.
a) The Land was declared a tribal area b) Collective Ownership c) Local Self Governance. d) Tax according to Home ownership.
After the Gorkhas invaded the Kirat regions, one of the first things they implemented was the gradual change of the Kipat system by converting it to the Raikar system. Historians argue that Kipat system was manipulated by the Sen rulers themselves long before the Gorkhas, by giving Birta lands to the Pokharels (priestly Brahmins) for good service while leaving only the wastelands for the Kiratis. The Gorkhas added to it with a term called Seva Birta to grant a land for some service. This was basically done to not just infiltrate non-Kiratis into the region but also to appease them. Periodic examinations of Kipat registration began regularly and all doubtful or unregistered Kipat holdings were converted into Raikar. Raikar is the form where the land ownership belongs to the state (King).
A document of 1857 A.D refers to the examination of some Kipat lands and the conversion of those lands to the Raikar system. In 1828 A,R, a survey team had found Kipat lands at Muga in Chainpur which were previously being cultivated by Jimdars (Rais). They converted it to the Raikar system to be given to Mukunda Thapa (Chettri), Biru Thapa(Chettri) and Arjun Thapa.
The Kipat system in the Kirati lands was in contrast to other forms of land use like Raikar, Birta, Guthi, Jagir and Rakam under which tenant rights were bestowed by the state upon individuals or institutions. Titles to the Kipat land were generally vested in the most powerful man in a village community entrusted and empowered with the status of Rai, Subba or Jimmawal. He became the direct middleman between the people and the state administration. The Shah Kings used this system to their advantage for a certain period of time. They used it to assimilate influential political people in the entire Kirat region to restructure it to build a comprehensive, semi-feudal administrative module.
One of the most important responsibilities of the village chief was to collect taxes from his people also known as Raiti, and to direct the proceeds to the regional tax office. He was also responsible to the indigenous population as well as immigrants. Immigrants who lived upon the good graces of the Kiratis were called Dhakre and those who purchased or received a gift of land from the Kiratis were called Kinnuwa Raiti. The taxes on the Kipat system of land were called Serma or Dhuri because it was based on a household rather than the size of the property.
The Kipat system was abolished earlier in Majh Kirat than Pallo Kirat. This gave way to the Raikar system and subsequently made it easier for immigrants to buy land and register it under their name. Kipat system did not just have economic implications but it also held sociological importance in the Kirat tribal and family structure and beliefs. It is important to understand why taxes in the Kipat system were collected on a household basis.
The symbolic meaning and significance of a house as a structure of ritual gives credibility to the concept that the individual household was taken in the sense of the common Hearth Stones (Suptulung). Each house was believed to stand at the centre of the world and with its Suptulung, it became a ritually autonomous structure. And because Raikar system came into practice, families disintegrated gradually and kinship and solidarity started to loosen within the Kirati tribes. This change had large repercussions on the Tribal structure of the Kiratis and its traces can be seen even today within the Kirati communities of the world.
Unlike many traditions of the Indian sub continent (especially those of Aryan communities) not much is specified regarding daughters when they are married off. Kirati Khambu Mundhum however specifically ensures the comfort, safety and well being of our daughters even after they get married.
During the marriage of Kirati Khambus, the girl has to be officially given to the groom by a”dialogue” called Bagdatta which translates to “given by word of mouth”. By the means of this Bagdatta the bridegroom is accorded certain rights with respect to the bride, such as legitimacy of their offspring. Consequently she is separated (taken out) from her family Suptulung (Hearth Stones/Chula Dhunga).During this ceremony the ancestors and the protecting deities are requested not to follow the daughter henceforth.
When a Kirati Khambu Rai girl is married off, she has to be cared for by her husband. If he does not fulfill his responsibilities which lead to tensions in their married life, the family of the wife intervenes. They provide advice, suggestions or counseling to the married couple. If the couple still opts for separation, the man owing full responsibility of not abiding by his duties and obligations, has to pay a fine consisting of alcohol, victuals and money to the girl. This fine is considered to be helpful to purify the separation and the unbinding of the marriage and is called “Chokhauni” (Nepali ?).
The separated daughter has to be brought back to the family lineage or “Kul” with the help of Nakchhongs or Mangpas. The daughter is then reentered into the Suptulung and purified.This tradition is called Ukundi and is unuique only to the Kirati Rai society.Once Ukhundi is complete, the daughter is given a “unmarried” status in the family. .The offspring of the daughter can decide whether they want to be a part of their mother’s lineage of their father’s lineage.
Ukhundi ensures that a Kirati Khambu Rai daughter is never neglected by her family and birth parents. This system creates strong family bonds and therefore strengthens a tribe. In a world where Kirati customs today (ironically by Kirati youth) are viewed as barbaric, Ukhundi system is a testament to the beauty and morality of a culture.
It is said that Sumnima created five plants on earth to benefit mankind and to conduct rituals (Hangcha Kupma).
Ghungring (Poaceae),
Kaulo (Machilus),
Amliso (Thysanolaena maxima/Tiger grass),
Titepati (Mugwort)
Katus (Castanopsis)
These were each created to serve specific purposes. The Katus plant holds great significance in the protection of people from evil spirits but it is also said that the tree holds such power that sometimes any spirit can be warded off in the presence of a twig or even a leaf of a Katus tree. Most Mangpas cannot find a state of trance if a person closest to him is carrying a Katus leaf or a twig.
In the saga of Khakchulip/Hetchakuwa,when the sisters (Tayama/Khiyama) are finally reunited with Khakchulip, their long lost brother, they dance around a Katus tree. Their jubilance is also based on the fact that they find their brother alive (whom they had thought was dead) and therefore the tree is symbolic as the tree of life. While they dance, they say, ‘’We have trodden on our Maiti, now we raise the head of the Maiti (Sayachongma)’’. In this context, the significance and symbolism of the Katus tree extends greatly.
The Kirat Mundhum places great importance on Katus. It says that living or dead spirits can be lost in its presence and the plant can be used to purify a person in times of great difficulty or ill health. The twigs of the plant can also be used as a medium to communicate with the ancestors in the spiritual realm. During Sakela or any ritual, when the Kirati Khambus are doing the Sili (Dance), the whole atmosphere is open to spiritual energies. At such times, the whole attention of the spiritual realm is focused on the Sili and it could either please or aggravate the spiritual energies. The spirits, in a state of trance could enter the body of any dancer. It is to avoid such mishap that one can see Sili dancers carrying twigs of the Katus tree while dancing.
The Kirat Mundhum religion has its own rules, laws, bylaws, code of conduct, and discipline. It is up to the Shamans (Mangpas) to facilitate them. A Mangpa is a medium between the physical and the divine.
Mangdowa
Nakchhong
Saarimangpa
Mangpa
Bungwa Mangpa
a. Mangdowa/Woptongmi Mangdowa performs worship rituals of one particular family lineage. Other than this, he helps pray for peace and harmony and strength from the ancestors. A Mangdowa has no teacher and are self learned.
b. Nakchhong During the lack of a crop harvest, Nakchhongs perform worship rituals during Rawa Udhauli and Ubhauli. They are self-learned, self-realized and do not have a teacher. During the unavailability of Nakchhongs, others can be chosen to perform the ritual worship at the Sakenwa altar. They do not have to worship the Hutlung (Sanctum Stones) after that.
c. Saarimangpa Saarimangpas heal people who are affected by ghosts, bad spirits, or witches. They perform rituals using rice grains (acheta) to pacify wandering body-snatching spirits. It is believed that Saarimangpas establish wandering spirits (borne of unnatural death) into the ancestral spirit world. They gain knowledge and wisdom from a guru. During rituals, they use Bouquet Grass (Amliso), Ginger (Aduwa), Persea dutbei (Kaulo), Poaceae (Ghungring), White Castanopsis (Kattus).
d. Rungpukmi/Rawenmi The Mangpas who have no masters are always self-learned. Many Mangpas claim to be disciples of the Ban Jhankri (forest-dwelling Shaman). Such Mangpas are known as Raahangmi, Suksangmi Mangpas. Such Mangpas use flowers even more than the Saarimangpas during their rituals. They bring Mamaang (female evil spirits) and Halla (male wandering spirits) onto the right path and help the people affected by such spirits. Thereafter, the Kirat Mundhum believes that people are freed from the adverse effect of such spirits.
e.Bungwamangpa There are flowers located at different body parts of the Kiratis and if these flowers are moved or withered, Bungwamanpas reestablish them. Since they are self-learned, they do not have a teacher. With the help of 362 different flowers, they travel the universe during their ritualistic process. They can change their appearances (Chusawa) and can also become invisible. These are powerful Shamans. They worship Budahang and also known as Bungpenmimangpa. Mundhum says that they possess tantric powers to kill their enemies.
As Sumnima and Paruhang are considered the creators of the world, Ginger is considered a manifestation of their hands. For the Khambu Rai people, Ginger is sacred. Learned Mangpas use ginger before they start predicting anyone’s future. In order to do this, the process of “Kachur” is important. Mangpas hold the ginger in their left hand and with a small sickle they slice the ginger in a quick motion. When the ginger hits the floor, it is either faced down or upward. If the ginger is facing downward it is considered a symbol of Paruhang or + (Positive Sign).
The Mangpa then slices another portion of the Ginger and this time if the slice is facing upwards (i.e the raw open part faces the sky), it is considered a symbol of Sumnima or –(Minus Sign). When this happens, the future is considered good, profitable or prosperous. But if in case both the times, the ginger slice faces downward or + + (plus plus) sign is created, the future is not considered favorable. Or if its – – (minus minus) both the times, the future is still bleak and not good. Only when there is a combination of Positive and Negative signs, that the floor becomes a medium of “Earthing”and the future looks favorable.
Since Sumnima and Paruhang are considered creators of the world, their union, through Ginger is considered important. Fruitful results can be achieved with a combination of both the Positive and Negative signs together. This is as important as Mathematical Probability or the Chinese Yin and Yang. This is also as important as the combination of the Blade (Male) and Chalice (Female) in Pagan Cultures of the West.
In the Kirati Khambu Rai world, the event of death is classified by the nature of circumstances connected with its occurrence. As a rule, death is distinguished according to the causes of the decease. There are two basic kinds; death from old age or illness and death from accidents or violent causes. Any natural cause of death, typically of old age provides the deceased with an opportunity to exit from earthly existence to enter the spiritual realm and be united with the ancestors. During death by accident of violent means, the traumatic event that shakes a person and the sudden and irreversible removal from earthly existence does not immediately eliminate the consciousness of the material world from the mind of the deceased and while the person reaches another dimension, his instinctive tendency is to regain the previously occupied social role before his soul’s separation from the body.
Such spirits could become “ Sehe “ or wandering spirits. Female Sehe is called Mamang and male Sehe is called Halla. The spiritual realm of the female Sehe is in a space within the earth. According to the Kirat Mundhum, it is suspended in a singularity, a corner or a cave where no living man can ever enter. Male Sehe also have a definite spiritual realm. It is suspended within the living earth but invisible to our perceptions. It could be in a deep forest or a desert or a hill. Male Sehe can float with the wind and they haunt the beasts in the forest. The Mundhum says that one can control these wandering spirits. Both male and female Sehe are in unimaginable pain and to bring them back to the right location, the Mangpa uses certain instruments to float with the wind. But this can be done only when he detaches himself from his own hearth stones (Chula Dhunga) to enter the spirit world and find them.
The Mangpa makes a long spiritual journey starting from the sacred rivers of east Nepal, gathering Mundhum knowledge from Khokwalung (rock at the confluence of Arun, Dudhkoshi and Tamor rivers) and finally crossing a desert to brings back the Sehes and to put them at eternal peace.
Ever since I’ve volunteered to work for Kirati Khambu Rai Sanskritik Sansthan (KKRSS) and added “Khambu” as my middle name on Facebook, my non-Khambu friends have somehow become appalled. They call me either racist or communal. I have also met a fairly large amount of Khambu friends who talk about “globalization” and “liberalism” and that what we follow are actions based on bigotry and are so primitive that we should do away with barbaric customs and evolve along with the rest of the world. After heated arguments with such people, these days when I am asked if I am a racist, I’ve started to answer, “Perhaps, yes”. The truth is, I think, everyone is a racist. But while I might be called racist for following my own traditions; a girl who dyes her hair blonde, a boy who gets a Korean boy-band haircut, or a man who wants to look like Bradley Cooper, well, they are racists too!
The only difference is that while some of us are external racists, the others are internal racists as they consider the other races superior to us. I have seen Khambus revere the Hindu Gods. If that is not racism, what is? I have seen young Khambu girls and boys learning Kathak and B-Boying who laugh the instant they hear that a Rai dance form is called the Sili. They keep repeating, Sili, Silly? Isn’t that racism too? I have seen Khambu parents trying to learn Bantawa but educating their children in English. I am not against education but if I am called a racist, how can they be called liberal? For if it is racism to undermine other races, what is heralding the superiority of one race over another, called? Nazism mixed with Racism perhaps! Without even knowing it, they simply reject their own culture to accept someone else’s. That is neither Globalization nor is it Liberalism.
Pic: Youngsters participating in Sakela worship ritual.
Many of our languages are dying. Our Mundhum (oral narrative), culture, traditions, religion are in shambles. And while we have studied Shakespeare and Aristotle in college, we shall not be able to save some of our languages which are already on the verge of extinction. We shall not be able to excavate upon encroached lands and our languages and history shall remain buried before our future generations. It is a shame we have to carry but we can save the rest. By being racists and by fighting racism! I know that in today’s times when we are asked to be politically correct, Racism is a very strong word. But it is also a media-fed word. The same media that tells us that it’s okay to eat chicken, to cook the chicken using various recipes, but to kill a Rooster for a ritual, is horrific. And so we start believing that we are barbaric and primitive. And to pray in glorious temples and cathedrals is liberal and modern but to pray before kindled sanctums is primitive. Racism, not liberalism, once again!
Some of the perspectives and opinions put up by some Khambus on social media are seen by other Khambus as extremist, hard-liner opinions that are borderline fascist ideology. Before such accusations are made, one must understand how extremism and fundamental ideologies take root. They are born from resentment and identity crisis. We cannot deny that Kirati Khambus are suffering from a major identity crisis today. We are surrounded by idealistic “Gorkha‘’ accountability as well as Hinduism-induced cultural transitions. So what is the actual culture of the Kirati Khambus is the question or rather a more poignant one is-what religion and philosophy do we adhere to? No matter how hard we try, we cannot draw a line between culture and religion. Somehow, they seem to have amalgamated perfectly, thanks to the organized Abrahamic religions of the world i.e. Christianity and Islam. While Hinduism still believes in “Ekam satya vipra bahuda vadanti” (there are many ways but the truth is one), most of what we read, see, and are indoctrinated by, are the amalgamation of culture and religion in an inseparable bundle.
Pic: Traditional Sili Dance being performed.
A majority of the so-called extreme opinions only point to one fundamental ideology and that is, should we denounce the core values of our culture and preserve only a few? This brings up a pertinent question of whether we should give up Hindu festivals or what some ignorant ones would call “Gorkha” festivals. The idea is, that we should read our history. And we must read our history because what we are doing right now, is also going to be in the pages of history someday. If we do not preserve our own culture, our inherent right to express our lifestyle in a free world, what use is liberalism? We must first cure our identity crisis by accepting and understanding our identity as Kiratis. And that can only happen if we get rid of all the traces of imperialist exploitations that our people faced in the name of foreign religion and culture. Those festivals have merely been symbols of oppression and we cannot celebrate them without first saving our own traditions. That is the central idea.
Remember, as many of us blame our older generations for not preserving our culture and traditions, the generations to come will similarly question us with similar enthusiasm and aggression. They will probably face a much greater identity crisis than we do. They will be resentful. And they will become extremists. We can stop that, if we think and act, right now. We must embrace the idea that we are different. Not superior or inferior to any race or creed but just different. A difference that must be acknowledged and preserved. We are one among the many cultures of the world who proudly enjoy the enriching diversity of humanity without any bigotry or prejudice. But first, we must redefine our culture by separating the real from the influences.
There are many Khambus who admire the Japanese who follow Bushido and wear Kimono, but when we wear a “Sayabung” or “Fenga”, they think that we are being communal. They enjoy a Japanese Samurai movie or a Chinese Kungfu movie but the minute we show them a Bantawa film, it gets to their nerves. Such is the irony of being with the Khambus. Isn’t that racism too? That you would listen to Pearl Jam and Led Zeppelin but you would not be caught dead listening to a Sakela song? When we strip ourselves of the lie that modern and foreign is to be worshipped, we can start to see ourselves in a different light. If the internal racism stops and our culture is saved, perhaps then we can start becoming liberal. Until then, you can call me what you want!
In April 2019, Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues Chair Anne Nuorgam said, “We need to ensure that (indigenous people’s) educational practices, languages, environmental conservation and management is acknowledged and respected globally, not only by Governments, but by all peoples,” in the Open Annual Session of the Permanent Forum. While the world, from actor Leonardo Di Caprio to musician Neil Young, have extended their support indigenous people’s rights and the preservation of the indigenous way of life, I have often wondered if that way of life is rational in the modern world. Or a more pertinent question looms large – “is the indigenous way of life needed in the world of today?”
I believe that people have a right to choose the way they live and I think philosophy often overextends itself in its principles. Let us take Kirati philosophy on life as a prime example for it is largely a philosophy rather than just a bunch of traditional rituals. My understanding of the Kirati way of life is not the one where one seeks rewards in the afterlife; it is rather one of spiritual yearning and righteous living. But the one that is not based on a moral set of principles dictated by the written rules of man. Mundhum, which the Kiratis follow is essentially a set of traditional knowledge that is transmitted between generations through stories, songs, dances, carvings, art and performances. But these traditional knowledge and practices are usually based on man’s relationship with nature and how one must live as a part of nature without causing it any harm in even the smallest measure.
That is the fundamental and physical truth of the universe on which even nature works. Kirati Khambu Rai people, therefore invariably worship nature believing that all things found in nature, are created by nature (not by God) and hence must be revered. But these ideals have mostly been forgotten by the indigenous people themselves most of whom seek a more embellished survival in the cities and towns and are striving to become modern. A large part of the Kirat Mundhum does not pertain to the norms followed by any major religion today and the norms that are followed are not related to government policies, modern judicial systems, authority structures or social politics. Kirat Mundhum largely practices the idea of how important the environment is for our own survival as a species. It answers the question to how we live a successful life rather than how we live an embellished life. It focuses on our relationship to the earth and to nature.
For many Indigenous people, land relates to all aspects of existence – culture, spirituality, language, law, family and identity. Rather than land belonging to him, each person belongs to a piece of land. With kinship, communal land tenure systems and within a tribal community, the land also provides a sense of belonging with each other. Any indigenous person is entrusted with the knowledge and responsibility to care for their land, providing a deep sense of identity, purpose and belonging. But the challenges of maintaining this sense of responsibility in the age of globalization and information are becoming extremely large. The intimate knowledge of the land and ways of relating to it are also reflected in language, including many words and concepts that have no English equivalent. But ancient languages are mostly on the verge of disappearance.
The Kirat Mundhum is the model, a rule, a code which shows man the path to a life with nature. It is the map to an ethereal world, waiting to be interpreted and acted upon to reach up to a precise scale of values. It is advisable to not compare the Shamans as priests but to see them as a medium, a power gained from guiding spirits to take our messages across the spiritual, to the unknown world where one finally rests in peace. But is the motive of a true Kirati to be united with the ancestors and live in peace in the afterlife? The Mundhum encourages belief. Belief informs action, and all too often, those holding to truths impact the world around them: how they raise their children, how they conduct themselves in the world and what they think is moral and immoral. The Mundhum is fair because nature does not take sides. It only balances the harmony of life. Other than rituals and folklores, the Mundhum is mostly about living in humility and the truth-the essence of which commands righteousness.
How long these system, customs, practices and principles will last is really up to the younger generations of indigenous people. But if their philosophy is accepted, acknowledged and practiced, the world will be a much better place.
Gum Baha or Gum Bahal or Gum Vihara is a sacred shrine of the Hindus and Buddhists located at Sankhu, 17 kilometeres to the north-east of Kathmandu. Today, the Shrine has a temple called the Vajrayogini, dedicated to Ugra Tara, arguably brought to Nepal in the 14th century by Bengali monks. But its origin is more ancient than what is deemed by most people.
Historian Dhanavajra Bajracharya is of the opinion that this place had a temple that was established during the Kirati era. He points out to the word “Gum” which is of Kirati (non-Sanskrit) origin meaning “Forest”. Gum Vihara naturally translates into “Forest Monastery”. Gum Vihara also finds mention in the Gopalarajavamshali which says,
“Due to the sin committed by Mana Deva, he sat meditating in Gum Vihara. As a result a great Chaitya was created and consecrated”
It can be inferred that when the 6th Lichavvi King Manadeva ascended the throne, Gum Baha was already an established religious site. The Hadigaon excavation, which was crucial in establishing the evidences of a Kirata dynasty in Nepal came across an inscription of the Lichhavi King Amshuverma. The inscription describes the donations granted by the ruler to the prominent Viharas. The Viharas were given grants of 6 Purana 2 pana which is equivalent to the grant amount that was designated to Pashupati Nath. The fact that the same of amount of grant was given to Gum Vihara as that of the most prominent temple in all of Nepal proves that Gum Vihara must have been a highly revered site during this period.
Spiritually powerful places of Kirati origin in the Nepal valley are placed in locations that command geomantic perfection. Ancient Kiratis understood the focal points of natural energy and chose spots and topography such as hill tops, phallic peaks, crags, confluence of rivers and natural amphitheaters. One perfect example is the ancient site of Galdang-guldung Thang.kuh ( Pubung, Darjeeling), an assortment of caves that sit on a natural amphitheatre. Unlike present day Mangkhims that are built without any consideration for focal points or cardinal directions, ancient power places built by the Kiratas fulfill that criteria. Gum Bahal’s location too, points to this same practice as it sits atop a hill that acts like a center of a circle open on all sides and fairly above levelled ground, which could also be a feature that might have attracted the Vajrayana Buddhists to this place initially.
The origin of the Newari Shaman, Gubaju can also be traced back to Gum Baha. A person who derives his powers from Gum Baha essentially becomes a Gubaju. The fact that ancient Shamans considered this place to have spiritual power also logically points out to Gum Baha’s enormous religious relevance during the Kirati period in Nepal. Since it might have been a spiritually powerful place, one where potent divine spirits would thrive – could it have been an established ancient Mangkhim?
The Avaran (built of solid stones) style of temple construction only began after the Lichhavis came to power in Nepal. The temples preceding this form i.e during the Kirata era, were usually rectangular and constructed in brick and wood. This has been mentioned in the Lichhavi King Amshuverma’s inscription LXXVI as translated by D.R Regmi. It says,
‘’Now that we have repaired carefully in the temple of Matin……all the worn out wood…………which had been entirely destroyed by mice and mongoose that had attacked the building had fallen through the crevices..’’.
The use of the word ‘Matin’ is of particular significance here. It usually refers to the Mother Goddess and seems to have inspired the name ‘’Matilam Ksetra’’ almost upto 1497A.D, today clearly named Mahalaxmi Dyochhe by the Newars. Many of these rectangular shaped temples of the Kirata era were renewed during the late Malla era.
Pic: Mhepi Ajima Temple
Historians believe that most of the early Kirata images of their deities were built out of wood and mud. Some of the ritual practices seen in medieval Kathmandu indicate that they could have also used boiled rice to build images. During the last stages of the Kirata rule, for more permanency the Kiratas had begun making terracotta figurines.
A Lichhavi inscription-XLVIII says,
“matarah sthapita asanmrinmayastah kalakramena chirantanayati vishirnna bhagnapatita panipada jata..” meaning that the replacement images were carved in stone to assure a longer life.
The important aspects of the religion of the Kirata era did not actually end with the reign of the Kiratas in the Kathmandu valley. The later Hindu Kings did find a number of questionable stones that dated back to the Kirata era. Unknown as to what those stones might have been, the larger ones became the Shiva Linga and the smaller ones became manifestations of the Kumari. The ancient places of Kirata ancestor worship became Ajju and Ajima shrines.
Pic: Ajima Shrine
But among all the deities still worshipped today in Kathmandu, an important one for us to consider is the Rato Machhendranath located at Bungamati, Lalitpur. Named after Bungayumi during the Lichhavi times, this mother Goddess could be a direct representation of Sumnima during the ancient Kirata times. Machhendranath is taken as a female entity associated with providing a spring source by making a hole in the ground to avert famine through irrigation.
As Yalambar conquered Nepal valley (Kathmandu) beginning from Sangha (East Kathmandu) to Gokarna (north Kathmandu), he consolidated his empire completely by taking over Jolpringram (modern day Thankot) in around 600 B.C (Date Source: Jayaswal Vamshali, 1928). Thankot was named “Jolpringram” by the Kiratas. The word “gram” used as a suffix in the name “Jolpringram” suggests that it was an important town during the Kirata era. The Kiratas also used the term “pringga” to denote any settlement or village on a “hill”. The name “Jol-prin-gram” uses both the suffixes respectively, “pringga” and “gram”. Needless to say, anyone who has ever been to Kathmandu knows that Thankot is located on a hill. When the Lichhavis took over the Nepal valley, they also took over already existing Kirata towns and made it their own. The Lichhavis changed the name “Jolpringram” to “Jayapalikagram” and made it their trade hub. Thus, most towns of the Kirata era are today important centers of modern Kathmandu.
Of all the significant places that are important to the ancient Kirata heritage in the Kathmandu valley, Patan obviously stands as the most important among them all. It is in this place that the Kiratas put up their last stand as a ruling civilization and which lives to testify the consummate dexterity of Kirata town planning. It is without a doubt that we can assume that the Kiratas were the ones who introduced brick work in Nepal. The Hadigaon excavations, where bricks built as early 160 B.C were unearthed, prove that the Kiratas could have been using bricks for constructions. Amazingly, Patan’s alleyways, which have an uncanny similarity to the Harrapan towns of the Indus Valley, are but remains of their ingenious town planning, brick work and masonry. So influential was the Kirata civilization that even today the locals call Kathmandu, Patan and Bhaktapur, Ya, Yala, Khope respectively. These are all ancient Kirata names of these places.
When the 28th King Patuka’s Gokarna Kingdom was being constantly attacked by the Lichhavis, he shifted his capital by the banks of the Bagmati river in Shankamul, an extended part of the town of Patan. But why did he choose Patan among all the places in the Kathmandu valley? There can be more than one answer to that. Patan would be strategically protected by two rivers; Bagmati and Hanumante. It is also situated at a significant altitude so to capture it would be a daunting task. Patan was obviously considered a holy place by the Kiratas, hence they perhaps believed it was a protected zone. Ashoka would never build his famous stupas in 250 B.C around Patan, if he had not considered it a holy place.
It is believed that Patuka, who was enthroned in around 85 A.D must have shifted his capital to Patan in around 110 A.D. Technically the capital that he built was supposed to have lasted another 150 years but the exact dates are still a matter of speculation. But Patuka did leave behind a legacy. His palace ruin (Patuka Mound) is one of the most conclusive proofs of Patan being a Kirata dominion other than the fact that the word “Patan” is derived from his own name.
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