Tag: gurung

Part 1 of the article introduces Ghatu as a rich narrative song and dance tradition of the Gurung people, primarily performed in rural areas of Western and Central Nepal. It highlights its sociocultural importance, emphasizing its role in fostering social cohesion among the Gurung, Magar, and other communities. The Ghatu performance involves slow, trance-inducing dances that enact scenes from local mythology, particularly the story of Queen Amberwati and King Pashramu, with three main types of Ghatu: Barahmase, Kusunda, and Sati. The article also discusses the performance’s connection to agricultural cycles, particularly the belief that a successful Ghatu performance ensures a good harvest, and the ritualistic invocation of nature spirits during the performance. Read Part 1

Though Ghatu may appear at first glance as a traditional song and dance form celebrated for its elegance, fluidity, and the sustained grace of its physical choreography, it holds far greater significance from a cultural perspective. It serves as a deeply symbolic ritual, forging connections between performers and their history, environment, and spiritual beliefs. Beyond its aesthetic appeal, Ghatu functions as a source of cultural memory, a communal rite of passage, and a powerful expression of the Gurung worldview.

A typical performance can range from a few hours to several days. While the narrative content of Ghatu performances varies depending on the type performed, it usually begins with the invocation of the Ghatu Deuta, or spirits of King Pashramu and Queen Amberwati, key figures in the mythological narrative of Ghatu. The Guru, a figure of immense cultural and spiritual authority, chants mantras to summon these spirits into the bodies of the Ghatuli, the young female dancers. These dancers, chosen for their prepubescent purity, are believed to be uniquely capable of embodying divine energy. The trance state they enter is vital for the performance, signaling their role as intermediaries between the human and the divine. The trembling, closed eyes, and fluid movements of the dancers during the trance are viewed as signs of spirit possession, creating an intensely sacred atmosphere.

Guided by the Gurumas (female spiritual guides), the Ghatuli not only reenact mythological stories but also symbolize the connection between human vulnerability and spiritual transcendence. The dancers selected for these roles represent purity and sacred power, with their uncombed hair and Gurung Cholo (traditional dress) serving as symbols of their divine transformation. This unique interplay of ritual, gender, and spirituality challenges conventional patriarchal norms, portraying women as both protectors and vessels of divine energy. The unadorned simplicity of symbols like the Ghatuli’s loose hair and their rhythmic gestures represents their complete surrender to the divine, while the sacred headgear reinforces their spiritual connection. These symbols not only carry spiritual meaning but also tie the ritual to the natural and cosmological elements of Gurung life.

Every Ghatu performance beautifully embodies the Gurung people’s deep connection to the cyclical nature of time and existence. For the Gurung, time is not a linear progression but a flowing rhythm, deeply intertwined with the natural and agricultural cycles that sustain their lives. This philosophy finds expression in the very arrangement of Ghatu, where the repetition of melodies and the circular grace of the dances mirror the timeless patterns of planting and harvesting rice. Each movement, each refrain, weaves a ritual cadence that resonates with the rhythms of mountain life, drawing performers and audiences alike into harmony with the cosmos.

The Ghatu tradition is meticulously structured, requiring every step to be performed with ritualistic precision, leaving little room for improvisation. It transforms into a sacred ceremony where the Ghatuli become vessels for the Ghatu Deuta, channeling divine spirits through their dance. Ritual objects such as the Birpatta—a sacred offering of fried rice and turmeric—play an essential role, serving as protective shields against malevolent energies. The Mandali, or performance space, is ritually cleansed with cow dung and sacred water to create an environment sanctified for invoking the divine. These practices integrate elements of shamanism and animism, embodying the belief in divine possession and the influence of the spiritual world on human life.

The aesthetic and symbolic elements of Ghatu hold great significance, where every movement is infused with meaning. The dancers’ graceful rotations, gentle bows, and synchronized arm gestures embody the Gurung ideal of Sallala pani bagey jastai—”flowing like water.” This imagery not only captures the smooth, fluid nature of the dance but also pays homage to the Gurung reverence for water, a life-giving force that sustains both the body and the spirit. The dance movements themselves mirror the winding patterns of mountain streams, which are as vital to the Gurung people’s daily life as they are to their spiritual worldview. The choreography’s soft, flowing lines, devoid of sharp angles, are harmoniously complemented by the rhythmic pulse of the Maadal (drum), creating an experience that is both visually and sonically attuned to the natural world. This seamless fusion of body and rhythm becomes a living tribute to the harmony between the earth, the water, and the people.

The unique vocal style of Ghatu adds a cultural richness to the performance. Typically, there are two to four primary singers, known as Gurumas (spiritual guides or female singers), each contributing personal variations to the melody, which creates a layered and intricate texture. This deliberate asynchrony—where singers breathe independently and embellish different sections of the melody—reflects the collective spirit of the Gurung people. It requires a deep sense of mutual awareness, embodying the Gurung value of milijuli—working together in unity. The Guru leads the group with subtle cues, ensuring the narrative and musical integrity of the performance, while allowing space for individual creativity within the traditional framework. Linguistically, Ghatu songs employ an archaic language, neither Nepali nor Gurung, which only the Guru can partially interpret. This linguistic mystery enhances the sacredness of the performance, setting it apart from everyday life and emphasizing its ritual nature. It also highlights the Guru’s role as the keeper of cultural knowledge, bridging the mystical and the mundane.

The emotional intensity of Ghatu reaches its peak during the Ghatu Selauni ritual on the final day. In this ceremony, the spirits of the Ghatu Deuta are honored and bid farewell through offerings to the river. This moment, filled with the deep sorrow of the Ghatuli as they emerge from their trance, captures the ritual’s liminal nature. It serves as a powerful reminder of the fleeting connection between the human and divine, and the cyclical renewal that follows.

The spiritual essence of Ghatu is rooted in a belief in unseen powers and divine intervention. Performers see themselves not as dancers, but as divine agents enacting the deeds of gods and goddesses. This belief transforms their perception of the dance, as they enter a trance that alters their sense of being. Ghatu dancers often report vivid visions of deceased ancestors and otherworldly realms, reinforcing the connection between the physical performance and spiritual awakening. These experiences shape both the dancers’ and the community’s belief in the ritual’s healing and protective powers. The adherence to ritual, such as the proper selection of dancers based on age and spiritual possession, is critical. If even a small mistake occurs, such as forgetting verses or allowing ineligible dancers, it is believed that the performance will fail, and the consequences could be severe.

Ghatu can be viewed as a sacred ritual that uses symbolic elements to navigate and express abstract, often contradictory, dimensions of belief. It serves as a reflection of a cosmological framework, exploring the relationship between humans and the divine, as well as the unseen forces that shape their world. However, Ghatu has not been immune to the pressures of modernization. Economic challenges, urban migration, and the influence of formal education and state policies have disrupted the traditional rhythms of Gurung life, leading to shorter performances and a dilution of some ritualistic practices. The roles of the Guru and Ghatuli, once sacred and exclusive, have become more flexible, with older women and less specialized drummers occasionally taking part. These changes highlight both the challenges Ghatu faces and its capacity to adapt to contemporary realities. But for those who value ethnic indigenous cultures, Ghatu offers a rich opportunity to explore the intersections of ritual, traditions, and modernity, standing as a testament to the resilience of indigenous practices and their ability to evolve while preserving their core essence

Thōte (Tahote) is a ritualistic festival of the Tamu Gurung people, performed to forbid the entry of evil energies into the village community. Thōte, as an ancient tradition, is still an unchangeable rite in a Gurung society. Irrespective of geography and demographical vastness, the immediate natural domain of their habitat always forms a crucial part of the Gurung identity. The traditional history of Gurung rituals is vast, but special attention must be paid to Thōte, which, besides allowing us to focus on some of the aspects relating to the symbolic idea of community, also permits us to consider the relations that, through the idea of ritual, are instituted between the society and the supernatural entities that govern it.

In a nutshell, Thōte (Tahote) is a village worship festival, but the richness and complexity of its theme give it more meaning than just ‘forbidding evil forces from entering the village’. Thōte is a palpable display of the community’s lives and traditions connected intrinsically and spiritually to their traditional land, waters, and natural resources. The idea of ritual presented by Thote consists in an active form, many of the elements potentially present, or endured over time, amidst the Gurungs. Thōte serves various purposes- to banish evil from the village community, as a prayer for the protection of human life, cattle, and crops, and also as a glaring display of pride in cultural identity.

Thōte aims to address ritual ceremonies as the beginning of all power and energy to shape the village for the better, by warding off any unseen, unfavorable influence from the outside. We can be fairly certain that this tradition predates Tamu Gurung’s conversion to Buddhism. There is no particular tutelary village deity worshipped during the ritual. Instead, anonymous supreme spirits, without any human merit, but who hold vast sway over society, are either appeased or sent away from the village.  Both the Pachyu, a traditional Shaman, and the Khyabri, the Buddhist Shaman, perform the ritual together. Even with different backgrounds, they perform their sacred functions, and primarily protect and reinvigorate the intangible forces that influence the village.

Almost all Himalayan tribes celebrate Udhauli and Ubhauli – rituals/festivals to appease the deities for the well-being of all sentient beings. Thōte can be considered the Gurung equivalent. As a rule, Thote is performed three days in Chaitra (March-April) and three days in Shrawan (July-August). They perform the rite on Tuesdays. Organizing the ritual and managing the entire array of ceremonies are always determined by the community elders upon reaching a consensus. While the Gurung community today is not strictly governed by a hierarchical system, it can be described as a society adapting to the present social structures through traditional respect awarded to the elders within the community. Planning and execution will require knowledge of the ritual, its significance, and an understanding of the interrelation of all these factors. Traditions and customary laws dictate that all the elders with abundant experience, gather at the village center, to determine and finalize the management plans of the ritual.

Before the beginning of the ceremony, the villagers perform the task of collecting numerous offerings needed: a specific amount of corn, millet, and rice. Each household has to provide volunteers and items necessary for the subsistence and survival of the ritual.  In the village, each house is responsible for contributions, even though the household could subsidize individual members. Items like Ranijhar (Himalayan weed) and Bhakimlo (Rhus Chinensis/Nutgall Tree) are collected to cultivate ritual into a sacred process. The use of these items is significant to the Thote ceremonies and reinforces the transition of the normalcy of village life to ecstatic religious experiences. Different metallic weapons and musical instruments are also collected to be purified through the rite. These items, in the daily life of the individual or the group, acquire great importance, and it would seem, then, that without their presence in the village purification ritual, the ceremony is impossible. The ritual will be considered adequate and successful if the village can resolve all conflicts with the spiritual entities to revitalize energies through customary rites.

At least in general terms, the symbolic association of the community, from a social dimension, appears to be mutually integrated, as the entire village comes together for the preparation and management of the ritual and the festivities. Food is prepared collectively to appease the spirits. For sacrificial rites, Roosters are collected. A group of men and women gather to begin the village cleaning work as they clean out the drains, remove weeds and repair the pathways. The villagers gather branches of the Bhakimlo tree and hang them in the cardinal directions upon the entry/exit gates. 

Some of the logs of the Bhakimlo are cut into fine pieces of wood. A thin wooden piece of this wood is called a fitlee. Temporary gates of Bhakimlo wood and Ranijhar weed are constructed, and five fitlees hang on them, creating an invisible division between the village and unknown space. The ritual, which at the macrocosmic level, runs between two sets of religious beliefs-Buddhist, and Bon– is represented on a reduced scale by the Bakhimlo branches that are marked with yellow paint to represent Buddhism’s colors in the Gurung ceremonial repertoire. Bhakimlo wood also hangs on the doors of the village houses.

Mock weapons, to be used as props during the ritual, are also made out of Bakhimlo wood. The Indigenous populace, in most cases, form self-sustaining plant communities that have successfully adapted to a local region, and they tend to resist damage from freezing, drought, and common diseases, with the help of indigenous plants in that particular region. Bhakimlo (Nutgall) has always played a similar role in the Gurung community’s survival for ages. Other materials, such as charcoal, turmeric, white and red soil or rice flour, bird feathers, and animal skins, if any in the village, for embellishing a performer, are collected. As the collection of all the ritualistic materials concludes, the elaborate ceremony and performances begin.

The ceremony begins with a procession from the entry gate. The villagers start a fire, and juniper incense burns over charcoal embers and butter. The shamans beat their drums, and the five Fitlees upon the gate, are worshipped and purified. A volunteer will carry the incense in a censer and lead the procession. The performers follow the volunteer with the mock weapons.  It appears that the Gurung vision of their domain does not entail any firm split between two dimensions. Items of ritual are simultaneously relevant to the physical world and the spiritual realm.  Every performer is required to commit to the performance. They enter the village roads, where their dances and pantomimes are staged to resemble a fierce battle, representing the averting of evil spirits and the restoration of balance at the end.

The performers disguise themselves as wizards, ghosts, and animals, and most wear tattered costumes made up of rags, animal skin, and feathers. They paint their faces, and the Ranijhar adorns their bodies. The organized sequence of events, rituals, and texts exist separately from the performers. The procession may be a ritual movement that requires contiguous control and physical cadence, but the performance is not scripted, nor does it adhere to conventional actions. Other participants walk behind them – whistling, shouting, and the beating of drums ensue. The procession will reach out to every house in the village, around which they will perform animated actions with loud noises and whistles to deflect evil energies.  This procession reaches the exit gate where they will ignite a fire, incense, and worship the five fitlees believing that evil has left the village boundaries.

Outside the gate, the ritual resumes. A rooster is brought, purified by aspersing local alcohol, and sacrificed with a ritual hack. By performing the sacrifice, the Gurungs ask the spirits to return the ‘life force’ and catalyze the presence of ‘health’ within the village. Local beer and alcohol are offered to the spirits. After leading all those attending the rite outside the village, the sacrificial objects too shall remain outside. The rooster meat, and the remaining alcohol, are consumed by the participants. The village is proclaimed the place of protection and safety: the opposite of unknown space. The village gate changes polarity during the ritual and is transformed into a physical boundary between the invisible powers and humans. What affects the welfare of the village may subsequently, at the same time, apply to other realities- the unknown space, on a substantially greater scale; the hill where the village is located, on a smaller scale, and the human spirit, beyond everything else. 

Ghatu or Ghaptu is a narrative song and dance tradition of the Gurung people. Ghatu song and dance performances are one of the richest and beautiful forms of artistic expression in the Himalayan region. Yet it remains unheard of and invisible in common knowledge and popular culture. It is prevalent, however, among the rural Gurung communities of Western and Central Nepal. Ghatu is performed not only for fun and entertainment but also because it is primarily a socio-cultural display and has historically played a key role in achieving amplified social cohesion among the native Gurung, Magar, and other indigenous communities of Central West Nepal.

Ghatu is a slow group dance performance that involves enacting scenes from local mythology and is accompanied by song and music. This performance goes on for hours and dancers invariably go into a state of trance during the performance. No one knows the origins of Ghatu. Today, it is observed not just by the Gurungs but also by the Magars, Tamangs, and a few other communities living in the Western Himalayas. The tribes in the Himalayan region have always been deeply spiritual who have enjoyed a rich ceremonial life that was profoundly expressed through music and dance. So, Ghatu being added to this profoundly rich repertoire is good for artistic traditions. Moreover, music and dance form the core means through which the tribal people have always communicated their values and beliefs and asserted their unique identities.

There are three types of Ghatu dances. The Barahmase, Kusunda, and the Sati Ghatu. While the Barahmase Ghatu is more common than others and doesn’t adhere to strict regulations and is performed during celebrations, the Kusunda Ghatu depicts scenes of a Jogi, living as a hermit in a place called Kusunda and an interaction with the Kusunda forest Gods. Here, we must understand that the Sati Ghatu is the complete story and performance while the Barahmase and the Kusunda Ghatu are merely some scenes picked up from the complete Sati Ghatu. This traditional Ghatu dance is intimately connected with a song and the beat of the Maadal, for hours on end.

Ghatu is a long, oral epic and its form can be divided into three basic categories – Dhile, Chamke and Yalala. Dhile performance is slow and gradual while Chamke is fast and Yalala is something in between. Ghatu depicts the story of Ambawati and Parashuram, a queen and the king of Lamjung. They have a wonderful love and a complete life together along with a son named Balkrishna. Parashuram soon has to go fight a war and he subsequently dies on the battlefield. The queen self immolates along with her husband, in grief. It is this grief which forms the climatic crux of the entire Ghatu performance.  Each lyric and corresponding dance move is typical and of a fixed nature depending on the song and the purpose of the gathering in which it is performed. In fact, it is so common to incorporate these elements in unison that it forms to become one unified element.

In some places, the ritualistic beginnings of the Ghatu performance happen in January during the festival of Shree Panchami, when the dancers are selected. Originally, Ghatu rituals begin in the month of Baisakh when the main dance always took place on a full moon night. There is continuous dancing for three days and three nights. After the rituals are done, rice and other crops are planted. It is the belief of the Gurung people that a good Ghatu performance pleases the nature spirits which will, in turn, help them with a good harvest.

Ghatu dance always begins with the invocation of nature’s forest, river, and mountain spirits such as Hiuchuli, Barchali, and Deuchuli. The Ghatusari, (dancers) move their body and hands gracefully in a complete trance during a typical performance with their eyes closed following the songs. These moments of trance are the most important aspects of any Ghatu performance. Music and dance have been and are essential parts of Gurung culture and act as a banner or badge with which to affirm their cultural identity and belief system. This is why Ghatu is of great social and cultural importance.

To be continued.

Gurung death ritual, as with most other tribes in the Himalayas, is focused on providing the spirit with the things it needs to reach safely to its destination. In the Gurung community, it is believed that failure to properly perform the death rite may result in grave danger to the living kin and even the deceased may transform into a wandering evil spirit that can harm the family. Gurung rituals, rites, beliefs and practices form an integral and unified part of their very being. Ritual ceremonies for births, marriages, and deaths figure largely as significant events, and are symbolized using specific observances. The ritual of showing the path to the soul, to send it off on a journey to the land of the ancestors is called Pae or Arghun.

Gurung people believe that the departed soul could cause physical or mental harm to the living if Pae or Arghun is not performed. It is therefore obligatory to properly carry out this ritual that will presumably render eternal peace and rest to dead spirit in the realm of the ancestors, thereby making a part of the pantheon of the Pitri (ancestors), watching over and guiding their descendants in the physical world. For the Gurungs, rituals are a significant part of their beliefs and who they are. So, Pae becomes not just a death rite, but an expression of a cultural concept that denotes, protects and preserves kinship values and ideals passed on for the unperturbed functioning of their traditional value systems.

The Gurung people have two kinds of Shamans. The “Poju” and the “Klebri/Ghyabri??”.  The Poju Shamans come from an ancient animistic tradition while the Klebri comes from a pre-Buddhist Tibetan Bonpo tradition. The rituals are conducted by both but in the present times Buddhist monks can also be used to do this ritual though the method slightly varies with the latter. In the conventional ritual, an effigy is constructed, representing the dead person. This is usually a bamboo frame covered by clothes of the deceased. The Shaman will begin his chant accompanied by the beating of a drum and the clanging of cymbals. He will dance around the effigy. The chants, which are oral narratives spoken rhythmically, explains to the spirit of the deceased how he should journey into the land of the ancestors.  At intervals animals are sacrificed. The meat is cooked and consumed by the onlooker, with rice.

On the second day, a male relative will thrust a stick into the effigy which means that all barriers between the physical world and the spirit realm have henceforth been broken down. A procession of the shaman’s assistants, relatives, and guests is then formed, following a long white sheet held up on poles representing the road to the land of the dead. They reach an open space where another ritual ensues. Here the Shaman dances as if to depict a ritualistic battle takes place where he has to defeat the deceased person’s spirit from trying to continue living in the physical world. This is where the family bond between the living and the dead must be vanquished.  Towards the end of the “pae” trays of rice cakes, cigarettes, biscuits, fruit and other food and drink are laid on the ground, sheep representing the dead person are forcibly encouraged to eat.

The Gurungs follow traditions that are an amalgamation of Animism and Buddhism.  The deceased can either remain in the land of the dead, or take another human rebirth, according to preference. Gurungs, who conceive a reciprocal relationship between the living and dead somehow do not adhere to the idea of good or bad deeds during a ritualistic Pae. Suffering and death are no longer necessary once the land of the dead is entered.