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Tribal Traits: Characteristics of Tribal People

Written by Pradeep Rai on . Posted in Articles & Opinions. No Comments on Tribal Traits: Characteristics of Tribal People

In 1987, the International Labor Organization put up a report that provided the most accredited definition of indigenous tribal peoples. It said, “Indigenous peoples usually maintain a strong attachment to particular geographical locations and ancestral territorial origins. They typically seek to remain culturally, geographically, and institutionally distinct from the dominant society, resisting assimilation into the greater national society. In this way, they tend to preserve their own socio-cultural, economic and political ways of life.” This might be a generic statement considering that different tribes around the world, though similar, might exude different group behaviors but it is also partially true.

In a country like India which has the largest population of communities classified by the Government as tribal, the criteria to categorize a community as a tribe requires more than just the aforementioned description. Article 342 of the Indian Constitution provides for the specification of tribes or tribal communities or parts of or groups within tribes or tribal communities which are deemed to be for the purposes of the Constitution the Scheduled Tribes in relation to that State or Union Territory. For a community to be included as a scheduled tribe of India, it must have five characteristics.

  1. Primitive traits or way of life
  2. Geographical Isolation
  3. Shyness of Contact
  4. Distinctive Culture
  5. General/Economic Backwardness

A tribe is a group of people that is distinguished from other groups mainly through lifestyle, locations, values, and belief systems. Although basic attributes have been acknowledged, there can be no universal, generic, and absolute classification to define indigenous tribal people. However, there are certain parameters that can be accepted for a broader understanding or classification. There can be functional definitions that are balanced on foremost characteristics, such as those related to culture, languages, and beliefs, which provide a good practical basis for identifying the presence of “tribal traits” while also leaving categorization sufficiently wide to accommodate various socio-cultural disparities.

The challenges of classifying or categorizing communities into Castes and Tribes, differentiating them from the mainstream to the backward, are much greater in a country like India which has over 700 different tribes. The tribes in other parts of the world, especially in the West, are usually ethnically, socially, and culturally very different from the rest of their mainstream populace but in India, many tribes sometimes have broad connections with non-tribal communities. It is difficult to separate or classify populations because different communities have influenced each other over the centuries. Many tribal groups have also assimilated Hindu gods and goddesses in their religious beliefs because Hinduism is quite pluralistic in essence. Other tribes have gone on to embrace Buddhism and Christianity is predominant among a majority of tribes in the North East of India.

Such challenges also mean great variety and diversity that exist across regions and tribal groups. Therefore it is important to study the peculiarities and contextual characteristics of particular tribes, while also identifying and acknowledging their shared ethnicities and principles. A tribe should have some functional interdependence within the community. A tribe must have a sense of unity among themselves. They must follow a proper clan and lineage structure. British Anthropologist F.G Bailey says that a tribal community is one that is entirely segmentary in nature- a society based on lineage, that has equivalent parts held together by shared values. According to him, tribal people are also those who have control over natural resources.

Tribes also have a definite geographical and social region that they inhabit. They usually are seen living in remote corners, such as on hilly and forest areas. In Sikkim and Darjeeling, people mainly come across names of places such as Rai Gaon, Tamang Gaon, Lapchetar, Limbu Busti, Mangarjung, etc. This is all because tribal people share a definite common topography. Even in urban areas like Kathmandu, we can see this pattern replicating itself time and again. While the Rai people live mainly in Lalitpur, around regions like Talchikhel, Nakhipot, the Magars are abundantly found around Koteswor, and Gurungs live around Maharajgunj and Lazimpat. Living in this common topography is a trait that comes from instincts developed since ancient times while living as a tribe. This behavior not only hints at a need for a sense of unity but also shows the “Shyness of Contact” traits of a tribal community.

D N Mazumdar writes, “The concept of Tribe has further been defined as a social group with territorial affiliations, endogamous, with no specialization of functions, ruled by tribal officers, hereditary or otherwise, united in language or dialect.”  While endogamy may not be prevalent among some tribes presently, it is usually preferred. Tribes are an integrated social organization that thrives on the basis of primary blood relationships. Cultural homogeneity is the main characteristic of a tribal community. This is not only the ‘shyness of contact’ trait but also fulfills the ‘primitive way of life’ classification.

A tribal society is also based on egalitarian principles. While all tribal people share common values, it also gives rise to a value system centered on equality. We find that among tribes, there are no institutionalized inequalities like the caste system or gender-based inequities. Thus men and women enjoy equal status and freedom. Tribes also understand the importance of kinship and share a common dialect which helps them feel united, safeguarded, and equal among themselves. This collective unity can be found in tribal communities in which people from a very young age are integrated into sturdy, cohesive bonds, which always continue to protect them in exchange for loyalty and ethnic values.

Ghatu Tradition of the Gurung People – Part 1

Written by Pradeep Rai on . Posted in Gurung Culture. 3 Comments on Ghatu Tradition of the Gurung People – Part 1

Ghatu or Ghaptu is a narrative song and dance tradition of the Gurung people. Ghatu song and dance performances are one of the richest and beautiful forms of artistic expression in the Himalayan region. Yet it remains unheard of and invisible in common knowledge and popular culture. It is prevalent, however, among the rural Gurung communities of Western and Central Nepal. Ghatu is performed not only for fun and entertainment but also because it is primarily a socio-cultural display and has historically played a key role in achieving amplified social cohesion among the native Gurung, Magar, and other indigenous communities of Central West Nepal.

Ghatu is a slow group dance performance that involves enacting scenes from local mythology and is accompanied by song and music. This performance goes on for hours and dancers invariably go into a state of trance during the performance. No one knows the origins of Ghatu. Today, it is observed not just by the Gurungs but also by the Magars, Tamangs, and a few other communities living in the Western Himalayas. The tribes in the Himalayan region have always been deeply spiritual who have enjoyed a rich ceremonial life that was profoundly expressed through music and dance. So, Ghatu being added to this profoundly rich repertoire is good for artistic traditions. Moreover, music and dance form the core means through which the tribal people have always communicated their values and beliefs and asserted their unique identities.

There are three types of Ghatu dances. The Barahmase, Kusunda, and the Sati Ghatu. While the Barahmase Ghatu is more common than others and doesn’t adhere to strict regulations and is performed during celebrations, the Kusunda Ghatu depicts scenes of a Jogi, living as a hermit in a place called Kusunda and an interaction with the Kusunda forest Gods. Here, we must understand that the Sati Ghatu is the complete story and performance while the Barahmase and the Kusunda Ghatu are merely some scenes picked up from the complete Sati Ghatu. This traditional Ghatu dance is intimately connected with a song and the beat of the Maadal, for hours on end.

Ghatu is a long, oral epic and its form can be divided into three basic categories – Dhile, Chamke and Yalala. Dhile performance is slow and gradual while Chamke is fast and Yalala is something in between. Ghatu depicts the story of Ambawati and Parashuram, a queen and the king of Lamjung. They have a wonderful love and a complete life together along with a son named Balkrishna. Parashuram soon has to go fight a war and he subsequently dies on the battlefield. The queen self immolates along with her husband, in grief. It is this grief which forms the climatic crux of the entire Ghatu performance.  Each lyric and corresponding dance move is typical and of a fixed nature depending on the song and the purpose of the gathering in which it is performed. In fact, it is so common to incorporate these elements in unison that it forms to become one unified element.

In some places, the ritualistic beginnings of the Ghatu performance happen in January during the festival of Shree Panchami, when the dancers are selected. Originally, Ghatu rituals begin in the month of Baisakh when the main dance always took place on a full moon night. There is continuous dancing for three days and three nights. After the rituals are done, rice and other crops are planted. It is the belief of the Gurung people that a good Ghatu performance pleases the nature spirits which will, in turn, help them with a good harvest.

Ghatu dance always begins with the invocation of nature’s forest, river, and mountain spirits such as Hiuchuli, Barchali, and Deuchuli. The Ghatusari, (dancers) move their body and hands gracefully in a complete trance during a typical performance with their eyes closed following the songs. These moments of trance are the most important aspects of any Ghatu performance. Music and dance have been and are essential parts of Gurung culture and act as a banner or badge with which to affirm their cultural identity and belief system. This is why Ghatu is of great social and cultural importance.

To be continued.

Tamang Clans and Lineage Structure

Written by Pradeep Rai on . Posted in Tamang Culture. 7 Comments on Tamang Clans and Lineage Structure

There is always a prerequisite to calling a community, a tribe. It’s the clan structure, a custom which a tribe must ascertain to tracing descent and to follow a lineage. The Tamang community is usually classified as Baara Tamangs (Twelve Tribes) and the Atharah Jaat (Eighteen Sub-Tribes). This was the Tamang rhetoric when asked about the sub-tribes of the Tamang tribe. It should be noted that the word “Jaat” is colloquial and comes from the Nepali word which literally means Caste. The Tamang word for “Clan” is Rui.

Every tribe had its own custom for tracing descent. There may be tribes who trace it through their male members while some do it through matrilineal clan structure. The Tamang clan system serves as a foundation for social control and religious protocol for honor and respect. This system is a patrilineal affiliation where clan membership is passed by the father to the children.

The Tamang people who do not fall into the Hindu system of caste should not have been using the term “Jaat” to denote a clan or a sub-tribe, but over the many centuries of being in close proximity to the Hindu cultures, Tamangs freely use the terms Bara Tamang and Atharah Jaat to describe their clan structure. It should be noted here that the 12 Tamang Tribes usually consider themselves pure and above the rest. Eden Vansittart in his book, The Gurkhas (published in 1906) names the twelve Tamang sub-tribes as:

1. Baju
2. Bal
3. Dumjan
4. Ghishing
5. Giaba
6. Goley
7. Mikchan
8. Moktan
9. Pakrin
10. Syangdhen
11. Theeng
12. Yonjan

According to NJ Allen, in his study titled, Fourfold classifications of society in the Himalayas, he says that the Tamangs originated from the four families living in Wuijhang, Tibet and they were Bal, Yonjon, Moktan, and Ghising. This notion, according to Allen, comes from the origin story of the Tamangs themselves. The Tamangs, like the Gurungs, are usually described as consisting of a superior and an inferior stratum having numerical names.

Traditionally Tamangs have been known to associate different clans with specific areas, settlements, and villages as their Bapsa, (the land of belonging). The different Rui or clans, each has their own association with the Bapsa distributed across the region and which have been their original settlement. The various kinds of connections, associations, and relationships between different clans connect these lands and titles and layout common and shared territory. The larger territory is further joined by linkages between the territorial divinities which protect the Bapsa. Many names of these sub-tribes or clans within the Tamang homogenous tribe seem to have come from the Bapsa.

It can be determined that in the ancient Tamang Tribal set up every facet was built around a certain amount of respect to clan roles. These would set precedents and these roles defined the conduct of individuals. The Tamang tribe in totality was an endogamous unit while the sub-tribes among themselves remained exogamous. Many scholars believe that those who married away from the tribe would often be considered an outcast, thereby creating variants of the 12 main sub-tribes. This gave rise to the mixed Atharah Jaat Tamangs. These “mixed-breed” Tamangs, however, were provided the same amount of social standing in comparison to the original 12.

While the original term deems the numeric value to be 18 Tamangs, the numbers are far more than that.

1. Bal 2. Bomzon 3. Blone 4. Bamten
5. Blendene 6. Bajyu 7. Chhyumi 8. Choten
9. Chhekpal 10. Chauthen 11. Zimba 12. Moktan
13. Theeng 14. Gyabak 15. Pakhrin 16. Singden
17. Titung 18. Thokar 19. Khyungba 20. Lungba
21. Glan 22. Waiba 23. Prabhuba 24. Mokchan
25. Lo 26. Manangthen 27. Ghale 28. Syangbo
29. Yonzon 30. Jyumi 31. Ghongba 32. Tongsang
33. Taisang 34. Jongan 35. Samten 36. Mulung
37. Negi 38. Mamba 39. Kamden 40. Marpa
41. Moden 42. Sumba 43. Rimten 44. Jogna
45. Sarpakhor 46. Sugtal 47. Hen 48. Tupa
49. Kalden 50. Senten 51. Myapa 52. Thongten
53. Lockten 54. Lhaminkhor 55. Kagate 56. Damrang
57. Domten 58. Tunpa 59. Tungden 60. Gropchan
61. Gondan 62. Nasur 63. Malachoki 64. Mahindong
65. Manden 66. Fyuwa 67. Syangden 68. Balam
69. Toiba 70. Jaba 71. Syamjan 72. Gemsing
73. Lopchan 74. Golay 75. Mitak 76. Gangtang
77. Ngarden 78. Brosinger 79. Lamaganju 80. Plengden
81. Gomchyo 82. Shahangri 83. Chimkan 84. Gotthar
85. Dong 86. Dartang 87. Dumjan 88. Gyamden
89. Ghising 90. Rumba 91. Hangjo 92. Nikten

Importance of Indigenous Tribal Folklore

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Most Himalayan ethnic communities come from strong, spiritual oral traditions. Oral traditions are verbal narratives that could consist of spiritual messages, mythology, and folklore.  In the Himalayan region, where there is an abundance of language but the unavailability of mutually intelligible scripts, folklore is transferred to the next generation through stories and legends. It can also be in the form of songs and conveyed ceremonially at appropriate settings. In the original telling of the stories, elders highlighted the symbiotic relationships between humans and the rest of the natural world.

Folklore could include poetry, riddles, songs, music, dances, and also traditional wisdom based on plant varieties grown by farmers, and plant extracts developed by local medicine men. In the Himalayan community, much of the folklore is based on various stories that have been passed down from one generation to another. These stories contain moral values but also the history of the community and how they branched off to settle in one place and how they connect with other tribes in the region. Obviously, many such stories have been influenced by Hindu or Buddhist stories, plots, and characters. But where there seems to be no influence at all, these stories incorporate the idea of closeness between man and nature.

How important are these folklores in an age when children are no longer told these stories and two generations have entirely grown up on Enid Blyton and Fairy Tales? There’s nothing wrong with fairy tales but indigenous folklores aren’t just stories of incredible imagination, plots, and characters. They are about world views, perspectives, philosophies, and morals. Many of these stories, legends, and myths express a responsibility to maintain harmonious relations with nature because all of it is considered to be alive and that the abundance of nature must always be shared equally. Most of these stories are also stories of creation but the beauty of indigenous tribal folklore is that such mythology is rarely enforced upon others. Nor are these stories and mythology regarded as the ultimate truth.

These stories of philosophy about man and nature which start at the beginning of time continue through the telling of cultural tales and songs. No one knows when these stories began.  The Khambu Rai people’s Sumnima Paruhang or the Tamang stories of Mhendomaya and Gole Bonbo, inform about the essential philosophy of symmetry, balance, and harmony which are quietly suggested through the adventures of these characters.  These stories, therefore, seem to have come from places that have given rise to a symbiotic relationship between man and nature, between genders, thereby creating a circular, ongoing world.  Folklore is at the core of Himalayan indigenous culture. It is nothing short of an oral history that explains and records vital aspects of a community. These comprise stories of creation stressing on principles and moral values of the tribes. These are also a part of the Shaman’s songs performed during worship rituals.

Perpetuating history or a belief system through a medium such as oral tradition often leaves room for interpretation for the teller of that story and the listener. Many folk stories of indigenous Himalayan communities also help in not just the understanding of cultural identity but also display the richness of their languages. The narratives within these stories use diverse vocabulary and descriptions which are articulate and expressive. Given linguistic differences, cultural and traditional contexts and nuances, and the transfer from cognition to language, it is important that these stories be read and heard in the native language.

Indigenous folklore must be preserved. The accumulation of wisdom that has been passed down for thousands of years is a treasure trove that can help understand humanity’s past. It could help us find ways to protect and preserve our natural habitats and resources. Such wisdom must be assembled, organized, digitized, and archived but also the traditions of transferring folklore from one generation to another must continue. Individuals and ethnic organizations must identify and help preserve these systems. Folklores reflect the essence of a community’s cultural attributes as a mirror and provide a basis for its cultural and social identity.  It is time that communities become protective of this valuable heritage and find a way to preserve their precious folklores that have enlightened countless generations throughout history.

The following video is a Magar folktale narrated by Maya Maski Rana in the Western Magar Language.
Translated and Transcribed by Marie-Caroline Pons
Source: linguistgeek.wixsite.com/themagarlanguage

Khambu Rai “Chula”: Spiritual Bio Geometry

Written by Pradeep Rai on . Posted in Khambu Culture. 1 Comment on Khambu Rai “Chula”: Spiritual Bio Geometry

Samkhalung, also called Suptulung, refers to the hearthstones of the Khambu Rai tribe. Colloquially referred “Chula Dhunga”, Samkhalung is an integral part of Rai traditions. At the risk of oversimplifying cultural practices, we can say that Khambu Rai worship traditions involve a set of beliefs that can be classified into two parts – nature worship in the form of Divine Spirits and Ancestor Worship. Departed ancestors are assumed to wield great authority, having special powers to influence the course of events or to control the well-being of their living relatives. While the nature spirits look after the forests, water sources, crops, and harmony among all sentient beings, deceased ancestors serve as mediators by providing access to spiritual guidance and power.

For the Khambu Rai tribe, Samkhalung is the house altar, the sanctum sanctorum through which Ancestral spiritual energies can be accessed, invoked, and communicated. Samkhalung becomes the medium that connects the physical world to the spiritual realm. The word “Samkha” means ancestors and “Lung” means stones. The hearth is both a shrine and the kitchen – an altar that is also used for regular cooking. Of course in the modern age, the advent of gas and induction stoves has rendered the Hearth into only a place of worship, but in the old days, the family would sit by the hearth, cook their food and have dinner every night. Traditions dictate that whenever an elder passed away, he would be remembered by the living members; sitting by the hearth. His spiritual energies would be experienced by the living members of the family.

The Hearthstones collectively, at the center of all Khambu worship systems, is not only a celebration of the living culture of their traditions, but it represents the belief that the Samkhalung is the source of all spiritual energy, strength, abundance, and health. This is so because of the presence of a remarkable bio-geometry in the structure of the Samkhalung. Different sub-tribes of the Khambu Rais have different nomenclatures for the three Samkhalung stones, but to simplify it, let us call the three stones, (1) Papalung: symbolizing male ancestors, (2) Mamalung: symbolizing female ancestors, and (3) Ramilung: symbolizing societal spiritual energies.

Outside the 3 stones (lungs), a 360 degree perimeter is created by placing 4 flat stones in all directions. These stones are placed such that each stone creates a further 90 degree angle. A flat stone is placed at the bottom of the three main lungs. This stone remains invisible since it is placed underground. The Stones of the Samkhalung/Hearth provide a geometrical axiom that gives it balance and equilibrium to harness spiritual energies. The outer perimeter is known as the Saanglaakhepbu while the flat stone underneath is known as Thechelung. Thechelung remains warm even after the fire is extinguished thereby keeping the hearth and the home warm. The energies produced during the Pitri worship remains intact because Thechelung remains warm and still, long after the ritual ends.

The combination of the element of Fire and the Geometrical Shape of the Stones is both creative and destructive, its qualities are brightness, thinness and motion and its mode is active. It is fire that Khambu Rai ancestors used to warm their homes and used to cook food, sit around it to ward off the darkness of night. During the ritual of Pitri worship/Mang Sewa, the fire becomes a witness to the Oral Voyage (Mundhum) one takes to protect life from the adversity of negative entities that could emerge. It is believed that during the ritual the spiritual realm is opened and the house forms a systematic medium inhabited by the living, to now be made ready for the ancestors to arrive. It is altered into a space into which the ancestors are fleetingly transported but also where negative entities wandering about the village may penetrate but thanks to Ramilung, they cannot enter the house.

Within the realm of the divine connection between man and his ancestors, the man seeks to identify and demarcate a space for himself and his family members. It is at this moment that the ideal borders of the village do not exist, nor even the walls of the house provide protection any longer. Only the four stones sides forming the outer perimeter of the sanctum/hearth can now be a place of refuge, in a world that has become entirely a vacant space; belonging to everyone and no one.

Also known as Bio geometry (the geometry of shapes), the shape of a Khambu Samkhalung helps unlock the energies of the spiritual realm. The Khambus believe that the Hearth Stones are the medium between the spirit world and the human world; the foundation of the all creation- in life and in death.

Khwapa – Newari tradition of Masks

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Newari culture would be a tad bit different, were it not for the masked dances. The complexity, richness, and multi-layered aspects of Newari culture are revealed not only through its bright festivals or its exuberant art, but also from its grand masked dances called “Pyakha”.  In the Newari/Newa language, the term “Pyakha” could denote either a Drama or Dance.  Masks form the obligatory central portion during any Pyakha performance. The mask, which covers the face of the performer is called the Khwapa, which, interestingly, in the Newari language, is also the word for “face”. In the old days, Masks were usually made by members of the local Chitrakar, painter caste. Although in many areas of Lalitpur, the Sakya Newars used to make and paint their own masks and in Bhaktapur, the “Jyapu” Newars of the Potter class made the Masks.  

If we look at the majority of masks in Newari traditions, we discover a complexity of structure with vivid, garish, multi-colored designs that often appear decorative. Most masks are made up of clay mixed with paper-mache and Jute. Clay molds are used to shape them.  Masks that portray the various characters and their temperaments are given their shapes accordingly. The masks are then varnished and colored with great precision and care. There has also been a tradition of making metal Masks in Patan, a place that is still renowned for its metalwork. We can ascertain that the greater number of Himalayan cultural masks are but of simple construction. Yet, its design, details, and the expressiveness of these elements only reflect or correspond to the straightforward and fundamental religious concept of animism.

  • Newari tradition of Masks

Newari masks provide a tangible form for invisible spirits and deities, who are personified as human beings, animals, or fantastic composites of the masculine and the feminine. There will be Ganesh, Varaha, and their Vahanas. The entire Pyakha performance will have animal characters, demons, and spirits. There will also be human characters or men and women, priests and merchants. These theatricalities form the major attraction of any festival that happens in the Kathmandu valley and while the stories are often based on mythology and folklore, some of the Pyakha performances can also be comical. The fool, jester, or clowns have their own masks, which are worn during a comic performance. The masks that these comedians wear are half masks that are known as “Ba Khawapah” where the mouth is left uncovered because the performance could involve a dialogue between the characters or a soliloquy could ensue.

During a performance, masked dancers imitate the actions of deities. Their behaviors are supposed to serve as models for positive human behavior. However, much of the performance isn’t altogether based on upholding morality in society. Instead, Pyakha is more about upholding traditions. From the creation of the masks to the preparation and the ultimate performance, the entire extravaganza is built up of traditions that have last for many centuries. Even the color of a particular mask doesn’t seem to have changed over the many years that Pyakha and the Khwapa have both existed. While the color of the masks differ according to a character or a deity that it’s supposed to embody, Black is used to depicting demons while blood-red would denote anger, greed, or even power. Green is associated with nobility and blue to depict the Gods of the Hindu pantheon.

While the origin of the masked dances in Newari culture may have been to propagate religious precepts, that is not the only thing that happens during these performances. Masked dances narrate dramas, which are derived from conventional Hindu literature, with plots and characters that people are familiar with. Newar masked dances are also based on local folklore and traditions that are conventionally local in nature and idea. There is a considerable amount of comedy that provides some sort of relief to the onlookers amidst heavy action and dancing.  

It is likely that Newari artisans in the medieval ages were inspired to create masks that would appear mysterious yet magnanimous, frightening but captivating. This is exemplified by the famous Lakhey Mask. Lakhey is one of few dancers who take turns donning the 15-kilogram headgear complete with red mask and hair. The Lakhey ritual is tied to the annual chariot ride of the Kumari, the living goddess of Nepal, which is the highlight of the Indra Jatra festival. Because of his fearful demeanor and captivating aggressive dancing, Lakhey is perhaps the most famous one among all masked dances.

These Newar masks are distinct from either Tibetan or Indian. Their details in the shapes, the materials used, the specificity of the paintings, and decorations are all absolutely different from anything ever seen in other parts of the Himalayas. Both the Pyakha and Khwapa are quintessential living traditions that have been transmitted orally from generation to generation. These are a few of the hallmarks of rich Newari culture and traditions.

Kham Magars – Kinship, Existence and Identity

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For centuries, members of the ancient Kham Magar tribe were left behind and largely forgotten, shielded from the outside world by the towering hills of the north-west Himalayan foothills of Rukum and Rolpa. The community, with a small population of about 40,000 people today, was able to preserve their unique language, religion, and lifestyle and subsequently, their distinctive identity. They also inhabit the upper tributaries of the Sano Bheri, Bari Gad, and Mari Khola on the southwestern flank of the Dhaulagiri massif.  The Kham-speaking Magar, though being from the Magar tribe, try to distinguish themselves from the Magars to the east of Rolpa.

The idea of a pristine self-sufficient location is central to the Kham Magar ideology, where the community, formed out of local lineages, lives as an exogamous unit. Kham Magars are divided into four northern Magar sub-tribes. Pun, Roka, Gharti, and Buda. In some places, there is also a sub-tribe (thar) called Jhakri. These Thars are further subdivided into named localized lineages, each of which has a common mythical ancestor or a commonplace of origin.

These localized lineages, rather than the thars, form the branches that control the system of kinship, inheritance, and marriages among the Magars. Marriages, then, are permitted within a thar but not within a localized lineage group. Because of the preference to marry within the local area, most of the lineages have Maiti and Bhanja relationships with all other lineages with the community.

While their Magar brethren, who live to the eastern hills of Gulmi and Palpa have succumbed to the influences of Hinduism and speak the Magar Dhut language, the Kham Magars have a very strong Shamanic tradition and speak the “Kham Dhut” language which is a distinct unintelligible Tibeto-Burman language. This language has no relation to the Kham dialect of the Tibetans spoken by the Khampas, a tribe in Kham, Tibet. The Kham Magars are also not related to the Khampas of Tibet. Kham Dhut also has three different dialects and has extreme intelligibility restrictions between them.

Kham Magars have a quintessentially pastoral lifestyle. The lands are used for farming and they maintain rather large flocks of sheep and goats. During the non-agricultural seasons and leisure time, which comes rarely, women engage in a variety of activities that are economically feasible. Their primary activities are processing wool and local fibers, making liquor, and raising pigs for sale. They spin and weave local wool for coats and blankets, which are used in the household, sold in the village, or sold during seasonal trips to the big cities of West Nepal. Besides processing wool, women also prepare Hemp and Puwa, which is a fiber made from giant nettle.

Being fiercely Shamanistic in their religious practices, the Kham Magars call their Shamans Ramma or Arma. It is highly probable that Ramma can be related to the “Ramma-Bya” which are words in the Tibetan language. Bya in Tibetan is “Hen” which explains the ceremonial headdress of the Kham Magar Shaman which is adorned with the feathers of the Jungle Fowl. Their religious inclination is based primarily on an animistic view of nature. They see nature represented by divine spirits which affect the physical world of men, their daily affairs, household, health, agriculture, and economy. Shamanistic inclination denotes that certain men are capable of entering into communication with these spirits and serve as functionaries between the physical and the spirit world.

It can be safely assumed that far from having escaped from the light of factual evidence or historical reconstruction, the concept of living within the physical and the spiritual is still very much alive. Such a view is very widespread, being found throughout the Himalayas and in many other parts of the world where Shamanism exists. The Kham-Magar tradition is a particular instance of this worldview or belief system; that it is part of an ancient shamanistic tradition that exhibits the history and structure of its own.

The Kham Magar idea of belonging and connection to the land is also reiterated by this same worldview. What binds a person to his land and territory is also described in Shamanic songs and narratives. In Kham Magar Shamanic traditions, the creation myth always stands along with a central location. This begins from the fireplace of the house where the ritual takes place. The narrative then pans out revealing more of the village as the viewpoint recedes. It talks about the house itself, the alleyways belonging to brothers, the outer portions of the village where local lineages are concentrated and keep panning out farther and farther.

Can we locate Yalambar’s Burial Site?

Written by Pradeep Rai on . Posted in History. 1 Comment on Can we locate Yalambar’s Burial Site?

Yalambar, by universal acclaim, was the first Kirati King, who, sometime around 1750 BC, came from the east, defeated the Mahishapala King Nimisa, conquered the Nepal valley (Kathmandu), and established a Kirata Kingdom. The evidence for this can be found in two documents. There is the Gopalavamshali which tells us the date of Yalambar’s conquest and there is Padmagiri Vamshali which talks about the Kirata dynasty in Kathmandu. It should be noted that both these documents mention Yalambar as “Yalam” or “Yellung”. No one knows when and how, the name “Yalambar” permeated into popular culture when it should have always been Yellung or Yalam. But what is of more significance is that he really was a real historical figure and not fictional by any measure (as propagated by Mahabharata aficionados).

King Yalambar is also famous in Newari culture and folklore as even today the Newars call the city of Kathamandu, “Ya” and Patan as Yala – both names attributed to the great ruler. There is no doubt that Yalambar has continuously captured the imagination of the indigenous hill people for more than 3 millennia. If a king who holds such sway and popularity today must have been treated with great reverence during his reign and even after his death. He must surely have had a proper burial chamber when he passed on. While historians have seemingly located the ancient Kirata cities during and after the time of Yalambar, the very idea of trying to locate where he could have been buried is rather perplexing and daunting. Yet, it’s not an impossible task.

There are many places in the Kathmandu Valley that are identified with non-Sanskrit names. Lichhavi inscriptions remarkably show time and again, primitive proto-shrines which, today, are worshipped as Balkumari pith, Bhairab pith or the “Jyapu” Newari Digu-Dyo. These are normally feared as they are considered to be inhabited by spirits or ghosts. Such characteristics come from being deemed as burial sites. Such sites are located outside human settlements but also within the accessible perimeter of these human settlements. Many Newari traditions point out to the fact that these sites were indeed burial places in ancient Nepal. Among the many tribes of Nepal that claim Kirata descent, such proto-shrines have divine representations.

Why would the Newari Jyapu community have the tradition of upholding a sacred Digu-Dyo site when the Jyapus are ritualistically cremated rather than being buried? This only makes sense if we understand that the Newari Jyapus actually adhered to a tradition of burying their dead, long before the entire society converted to traditional Hinduism. It can be assumed that the Jyapus can claim to be of Kirata descent even though many historians like Baburam Acharya believe otherwise. But without proper historical documents to ascertain facts, arguments from both sides seem absolutely plausible.

Such sites also flourished as religious places during the Lichhavi era. This was the one thing that baffled Historians for a long time. How can a burial site be considered a shrine? As both divine associations and ancestor worship exists in these places, does it dictate that Royal Individuals may have been buried at these sites? Could it be that a few among the 29 or 32 Kirata kings could be buried at these locations? Maybe even the great Yalambar, himself ?

While we know that Patuka, the 28th King is supposedly buried at Patuka Da (Patan), archaeologists are finally beginning to discover the burial sites of the remaining 28 kings. In Handigaun, an inscription claims that there was a Kirata burial site within its perimeter as early as 1673 CE. Some of the other ancient burial places in Kathmandu are the Chundevi at Bhatbhateni, Charnarayan at Maligaun and Mahalaxmi at Naxal.

Rites of Passage in Gurung Culture

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Gurung death ritual, as with most other tribes in the Himalayas, is focused on providing the spirit with the things it needs to reach safely to its destination. In the Gurung community, it is believed that failure to properly perform the death rite may result in grave danger to the living kin and even the deceased may transform into a wandering evil spirit that can harm the family. Gurung rituals, rites, beliefs and practices form an integral and unified part of their very being. Ritual ceremonies for births, marriages, and deaths figure largely as significant events, and are symbolized using specific observances. The ritual of showing the path to the soul, to send it off on a journey to the land of the ancestors is called Pae or Arghun.

Gurung people believe that the departed soul could cause physical or mental harm to the living if Pae or Arghun is not performed. It is therefore obligatory to properly carry out this ritual that will presumably render eternal peace and rest to dead spirit in the realm of the ancestors, thereby making a part of the pantheon of the Pitri (ancestors), watching over and guiding their descendants in the physical world. For the Gurungs, rituals are a significant part of their beliefs and who they are. So, Pae becomes not just a death rite, but an expression of a cultural concept that denotes, protects and preserves kinship values and ideals passed on for the unperturbed functioning of their traditional value systems.

The Gurung people have two kinds of Shamans. The “Poju” and the “Klebri/Ghyabri??”.  The Poju Shamans come from an ancient animistic tradition while the Klebri comes from a pre-Buddhist Tibetan Bonpo tradition. The rituals are conducted by both but in the present times Buddhist monks can also be used to do this ritual though the method slightly varies with the latter. In the conventional ritual, an effigy is constructed, representing the dead person. This is usually a bamboo frame covered by clothes of the deceased. The Shaman will begin his chant accompanied by the beating of a drum and the clanging of cymbals. He will dance around the effigy. The chants, which are oral narratives spoken rhythmically, explains to the spirit of the deceased how he should journey into the land of the ancestors.  At intervals animals are sacrificed. The meat is cooked and consumed by the onlooker, with rice.

On the second day, a male relative will thrust a stick into the effigy which means that all barriers between the physical world and the spirit realm have henceforth been broken down. A procession of the shaman’s assistants, relatives, and guests is then formed, following a long white sheet held up on poles representing the road to the land of the dead. They reach an open space where another ritual ensues. Here the Shaman dances as if to depict a ritualistic battle takes place where he has to defeat the deceased person’s spirit from trying to continue living in the physical world. This is where the family bond between the living and the dead must be vanquished.  Towards the end of the “pae” trays of rice cakes, cigarettes, biscuits, fruit and other food and drink are laid on the ground, sheep representing the dead person are forcibly encouraged to eat.

The Gurungs follow traditions that are an amalgamation of Animism and Buddhism.  The deceased can either remain in the land of the dead, or take another human rebirth, according to preference. Gurungs, who conceive a reciprocal relationship between the living and dead somehow do not adhere to the idea of good or bad deeds during a ritualistic Pae. Suffering and death are no longer necessary once the land of the dead is entered.

सायाबुङ : आधुनिक संसारको परिप्रेक्षमा

Written by Dev Khambu on . Posted in Articles & Opinions. 1 Comment on सायाबुङ : आधुनिक संसारको परिप्रेक्षमा

राईहरुले टाउकोमा बेरेर लगाईने फेटा जस्तो परिहनलाई सायाबुङ भनिन्छ। सायाबुङलाई खस नेपालीमा रुपान्तर गर्दा “शिरको फुल” भन्ने अर्थ लाग्छ (बान्तावामा)। राईहरुले सायाबुङलाई छेन्छोक्ली (हिमाल टाकुरा) को प्रतिक मान्ने गरेकोले यो सेतो रगंको हुन्छ। सामान्यता टाउकोमा लगाउने सायाबुङ १२ हात लामो (लगभग ५ मिटर) हुने गर्दछ र यसलाई टाउकोमा मिलाएर बेरिन्छ। यो किराती खम्बु राई पुरुषहरुको टाउकोमा लगाउने परिहन हो, जो उहिले देखी हाम्रा पुर्खाहरुले लगाउदै आएको मानिन्छ। माङपा, धामी, नाम्छोङ तथा मुन्दुमी ज्ञान भएका विद्वानहरुले सायाबुङको केही भाग कुम सम्म आउने गरी पुच्छर जस्तो निकालेर लगाएका हुन्छन् भने साधारण राईपाहरुले सायाबुङको सम्पूर्ण भाग टाउको वरिपरी मिलाएर बेरेको हुन्छन्। बिवाहमा र शिर उठाउने विषेश परम्परागत समारोहहरुमा विधिपुर्वक सायाबुङ लगाईन्छ। तर अन्य सामान्य समयमा टाउको छोप्ने उदेश्यले सायाबुङको प्रयोग गरिन्छ।

सायाबुङ जुनै पनि समयमा परिहन गर्न सकिन्छ। सायाबुङ टाउको छोप्ने लामो कपडा मात्र हैन, यसको बहुमुखी प्रयोगहरु छन् : जस्तै: उहिले लडाईको समयमा खुकुरी-तलवारको प्रहारबाट टाउकोलाई सुरक्षित राख्न हेल्मेटको रुपमा सायाबुङ लगाईन्थ्यो, टाउकोमा नाम्लो लगाएर भारी बोक्दा सायाबुङले समानको भारलाई हलुको महशुस गराउछ, खोलानाला तर्दा सायाबुङ खोलेर दोरी जस्तो गरी प्रयोग गर्न सकिन्छ, यसलाई पटुको सरह कम्बरमा बाध्नु पनि मिल्छ, खाने सरसमानलाई लपेट्नु पनि सायाबुङको प्रयोग गरिन्छ, बाहिर जंगल तिर बास बस्नु पर्ने बेला सायाबुङलाई फिजाएर ओड्ने-उछ्याउने कपडा सरह प्रयोग गर्न सकिन्छ, टनटलापुर घाममा टाउको छोप्नु र जाडो याममा टाउकोलाई न्यानो पार्ने गरी ढाक्नु पनि यसको विषेशता हो। यही गुणहरुले भरिपूर्ण भएको कारणले सायाबुङ सामन्याता सादा सेतो रंगको लामो सुतीको कपडा हुनेगरेको हो। चाडबाडमा सायाबुङलाई आकर्षक रुप दिदै चराचुरिंगीहरुको प्वाखले पनि सिगारिने गरिन्छ। मानवजातीले तानको अविस्कार गरेर कपडा बुन्नु थाले देखी नै सायाबुङको उत्पन्न भएको हो भन्ने मत पाईन्छ। तसर्थ यो प्राचिनकाल देखी नै किरातीहरुको शिरको परिहन हो।

दार्जीलिङ-सिक्किममा सायाबुङ भनेर खम्बु राई भाषामा भन्ने गरिन्छ भने नेपाल तिर यसलाई “फेटा तथा पगरी” भन्ने गरिन्छ। नेपालमा सामन्याता सायाबुङ जो पायो उसले लगाउने गरिदैन, तर विशिष्ट व्यक्ती तथा समाजमा उल्लेखिनिय कार्य गरी किर्तिमान प्राप्त गरेको व्यक्तिले मात्र यो लगाउने गर्दछन्। कुनै व्यक्तिलाई औपचारिकरुपमा सम्मान गर्दा पनि “पगरी”को नाममा “सायाबुङ” लगाईदिन्छ। उहिले पृथ्विनारायण र उसको बंशजहरुको शासन कालमा “पगरी राई” भनेर राई गाऊँको मुखियालाई भनिन्थ्यो। पगरी राईले रैतीहरुबाट “दशैं सिता (उपहार-राजस्व तथा टैक्स)” उठाउने व्यवस्था थियो। यो व्यवस्था दार्जीलिङ – सिक्किममा लागु भएको थिएन। तर पनि कालन्तरमा पुर्वी नेपाल, सिक्किम, दार्जीलिङ जस्ता बाहुल्य राईहरु बसोबास गर्ने क्षेत्रहरुमा राईहरुले पारम्पारिक सायाबुङ लगाउने अभ्यास न्युन हुँदै गएका थिए। यता दार्जीलिङ – सिक्किम तिर भने साकेला चाडहरुमा, किराती राईहरुको सभा-सम्मेलनहरुमा र आफ्नो जातिय पोसाक प्रदर्शन गर्नु पर्ने ठाउँहरुमा जो कोहीले सायाबुङ पहिरिने गर्दछन् र सिक्किमेली-दार्जीलिङगे राईहरु माझ यसको प्रयोग ब्यापक हुँदैछ।

Khambu Sayabung in the 21st century, Darjeeling.

हालैमा किराती राईहरु माझ जातिय पहिचान र संस्कृतिक संरक्षणको चेतनाले क्रान्तिकारीरुप लिएको छ। खम्बु राईहरुले आ-आफ्नो भाषा र संस्कृतीलाई पुन:जागरण गर्ने दिशा तिर कदम उठाई रहेका छन्। यसै क्रममा राईहरुले आफ्नो पारम्पारिक भेषभुसा प्रयोग गर्न थालेकोले किराती भेषभुसाहरु शहर-बजारहरुमा सजिलै उपलब्द हुँदै आउदै छन्। बजारमा पुर्व निर्मित (Ready-made) सायाबुङ पनि देखा पर्दैछन्, जसलाई दार्जीलिङ र सिक्किमका खम्बुजनहरुले प्रयोगमा ल्याएको देखिदैछ। यस किसिमको रेडिमेड सायाबुङ वास्तविक सायाबुङ सगँ मेल खादैनन्। सायाबुङको विशिष्टता भनेको नै यसको बहुमुखी प्रयोग हो, जो बजारमा पाईने सायाबुङले पुरा गर्न सक्दैन। सायाबुङ शुद्ध सेतो रंगको हुन्छ, जसलाई टाउकोको कपाल छेकिने गरी बेरिन्छ। जुन सायाबुङ बेरिएर लगाइदैन त्यो कृतिम, किर्ते, जाली, नक्कली सायाबुङ हुनेछ।

कृतिम सायाबुङमा किराती मौलिकपना छैन र यो वास्तविक सायाबुङ जस्तो पनि देखिदैन। कृतिम सायाबुङमा कपडाको पुच्छर राख्ने विधी गलत भएको छ। अगाडी नै भने झै सायाबुङबाट पुच्छर निकाल्ने विधी मुन्दुमी ज्ञान भएका माङपा, माङ्मा, नाम्छोङ र विद्वानहरुले मात्र पुच्छर निस्किएको सायाबुङ लगाउछन्। हामीले आदिवासी-जनजाति को मान्याता स्थापित गर्न खोजिरहेको छौं तर शिरको परिहन चै आधुनिक भएको रुचाउदै छौं। यो विवादस्पद छ। के हामीले वास्तविक सायाबुङ लगाउने हुत्ती सम्म छैन र ब्यापारीले डिजाइन गरेको सायाबुङ लगाउन बाध्य छौं। गहिराईमा डुबेर कुरा बुझौं। कृतिम सायाबुङ प्रयोग गरेर हाम्रो किराती पहिचानलाई अन्योलतामा नपुराऊ।

Origins of the Magar People

Written by Pradeep Rai on . Posted in Magar Culture. No Comments on Origins of the Magar People

While some might call the Magars fiercely Hinduized, Magar lifestyle, traditions and culture differ greatly from mainstream Hindu way of life. The Magars still celebrate indigenous tribal festivals that borders around nature or earth worship. These festivals are celebrated over homemade beer and dancing to the sound of drums. They revere nature spirits, and also make offerings and sacrifices during their festivals. However not much is known about the origins of the Magar people in the Himalayas. Various writers advocate different theories. The problem is that we do not find many clues or written history in the archives of ancient Nepal. Almost all ancient civilizations or cultures of Nepal have no recorded history and we have to entirely rely on speculations, folklore and logic, along with a few genealogies, to decipher or determine their origins.  

The Magar people are the indigenous inhabitants of the western Himalayas of Nepal, what is today known as the Gandaki region. Various scholars provide anthropological explanations to determine the originality of the Magar people. One of the earliest credible sources of information regarding the Magar people is the copper-plate inscription of Shivadeva which is dated 1110 CE which has a mention of  Mangavara Vishaya. Here, Mangavara seems to hint at the original term for Magar or Mangar (as they are known in the hills of Darjeeling and Sikkim). The inscription, thus, highlights that to the west and south of Dhaulagiri, it was the Magar people who resided or ruled this land. The fact that the Magars inhabited in a large part of the western Dhaulagiri is not a revelation. What is known today as Bara Magarat or the Twelve Magarat Kingdoms can be identified as Gulmi, Isma, Rising, Dhor, Khanchi, Garhu, Bhirkot, Argha, Panyu,  Ghiring, Satahu and Musikot. Many of the places in these regions have Magar names. Towns like Tansen and Rivers like Marshyandi, Daraundi are all names of Magar origin.

Scholars like Balkrishna Pokharel are of the opinion that the Magars first entered the Nepal Himalayas in 2300 B.C and they did so from five directions. Dharma Prasad Shrees, in his book Magarati Sanskriti (Eitahasik Pristhabhumi) concurs with the theory. He claims that the Magars arrived in Nepal in five distinct groups through different boundaries of Nepal.  He goes on to say that the five waves of Magar migration began with the advent of Magars in the Mahar valley of India. The second migration happened around the Rapti and Narayani Rivers. The third came from the North and settled into the Mustang regions and around Dolpa, Mustang, Myagdi, Parbat, Baglung, Pyuthan and Rukum. The fourth went to Nepal from Sikkim and the fifth group settled in the Indian Gangetic plains.


Jiro Kawakita in his book,  Himalayan Habitat and Culture Change among the Magars – Some Hypothetical Views says that Magars are a Mongoloid race who mainly migrated from North to South and initially settled in low hill area near Terai, Butwal and Palpa. Due to close contact with Indian culture, they lost the Buddhist characterstics and attracted towards Hinduism. They are distributed to western and eastern Nepal after attack of Rajputs. Despite of these diversities about the origin stories of Magar, most scholars belive that the Magars are the traditional inhabitants of the region from Gandaki to the Rapti areas.

According to Dr. Budhamagar, the Magars entered Nepal through the Mustang valley in 1500 B.C. From there, they entered Myagdi, Parvat, Baglung, Pyuthan, Rolpa and Northern Rukum and settled there. This theory that the Magars came to Nepal from the North has been concurred by Imansingh Chemjong and Khildhoj Thapa. Khildhoj Thapa also adds that the Magars, who were originally animists had migrated to Nepal much before there were any consolidated kingdoms in the Himalayas. Some history writers have made a different claim in their books. In his book Gurkhas: the story of the Gurkhas of Nepal country, Francies Tuker writes that the Magars actually came from the South. They entered Nepal from Chittorgarh in India who king was Rishi Rana.

Michael Oppitz, who made an incredible four hour documentary on Kham Magars, called Shamans of the Blind Country writes in his book, The Wild Boar and the Plough: Origin Stories of the Northern Magars that there are three variations to the story of Magar origins. They are:

  1. The Vamshali of Budha and Hukam
  2. The Vamshali of the Gharti from Taka
  3. The Oral Origin Story of the Gharti

The common concept of the three versions, though narrated differently told talks about the origin of the first ancestors, their first alliances, later migration movements into their contemporary homeland and the origins of agriculture and of hunting. All three versions state that the first common ancestors emerged from a dwelling place of the Gods, a cave under an overhanding rock, located rouchly to the north of the ridge that divides the Uttar Ganga and the Pelma Khola valleys. The first two versions say that the place of origin is a place called Pimachare. The narrative tells us that the Magars, of those belonging to the Gharti, Pun and Budha tribes do not trace their origin of ancestry to some foreign land. They talk about the story of the creation and origin relating to place where they live today.

The Magar story of origin also mentions the clan divisions between the Baara (Twelve) Panthi and the Atharah (Eighteen) Panthi. The folk myth that speaks of division occurring between different brothers to form broad patrilineal clan structure can be taken into account. Here, we can notice that the Bara panthi magars are found in Gandaki and Lumbini zones. The language they speak is called Magarati language. The Atharapanthi Magars are found in Midwestern region Rolpa, Rukum, Salyan and Pyuthan.

There are many claims, narratives, writings and theories about the origin of the Magar people. However many of them seem merely speculations rather than being based on solid empirical evidence. I believe that more research must be done in order to come to a proper unanimous conclusion about the origin of the Magar people. We can decipher that by DNA mapping, language root and family, original culture and traditions, folklore and oral narratives among other ways.

Bhumye – The Magar Ritual of Earth Worship

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The fact that Magars are essentially nature worshippers can be derived from their social customs and rituals. Over the many centuries many Magars are known to have accepted both Hindu and Buddhist philosophies but Magars are quintessentially Nature worshippers. Magars worship Semya, Bhumya, Sirung, Sedeni and Banajhakri.

Many rituals that relate to nature worship, such as offering raw eggs or chickens, worshipping stone idols, hoisting religious banners, offering milk, rice grains and turmeric, making offerings on hill tops, using Shamans to ward off evil spirits, offering prayers for safe keeping from lightning and thunder, praying for the rain, can be found in Magar rituals. For the Magars, a year consists of only two seasons. The ascending season (Ubhauli) March to June and the descending season August-February (Udhauli).

According to Magar myth and folklore, there were two brothers. Syopa and Gorpa. Syopa was the manifestation of nature and Gorpa was a human. When it came to dividing their inheritance, Gorpa asked Syopa to leave the farmlands, houses and civilization and go to live in the forests. And so man distanced himself from nature but they couldn’t stay apart for long and each still became dependent on each other.

In the ancient times, the Magars would eat Yam. When the age of agriculture dawned, the Magars realized that all cultivated crops needed to be saved from landslides, floods and droughts. They started offering new crops to nature and celebrated the day in prayer and rejoicing with merriment and dancing. To make nature happy, they would also offer animals in the form of sacrifice to nature. This led the way to the ritual of Bhumye or Earth worship. In many regions, the Magars started this custom during the sowing season and at others, they did so during the harvesting season. But today the first day of the month of Shrawan is the universally accepted date for this ritual.

The last King of the Atharah (18) Magarat region, Darya Jaitam had seen a devastating flood in the monsoon when his entire fortress had been swept away and he issued a decree to start a ritualistic festival in lieu of a Lunar Calendar where young men and women (Dhapa – Dhami) would sing, dance and pray for rid the world from disasters, famine and disease. The ritualistic festival of Bhumya has many names in different Magar inhabited regions.  Some call it Bhumya while some called it Bal Puja or Nokowang/Rangkya Tihar. It may also be called Chokhe parva or Dhodla-Dhodli puja. The purpose of this worship ritual is to pray for abundance and for the elimination of negative energies around one’s birthplace and where one might survive, stay, flourish and thrive.

A month before the actual date of the worship ritual, the festival commences and one can hear people cleaning up their music instruments, practicing and playing it and young men and women gathering in groups to prepare for traditional dances.  A makeshift shrine is made for the ritual where are stone idol is placed. The shrine is made using rice straw and a wicker basket which olds ritualistic items are placed near the shrine. All the village farmers bring in the new crops along with offerings of money to be put across the shrine as a mark of respect and gratitude for a good harvest and abundance. The sacrificial animal is taken around the village and shown to all the residents. Its body is marked with ashes and purified with rice grains as it is circled around every house in the village. After the formal ritual worship ends, all the people get together for “Syai” which is ritualistic, festival dance of the Magar people.

Yangdang Phongma – The Importance of a Cradle

Written by Simon Subba on . Posted in Limbu Culture. No Comments on Yangdang Phongma – The Importance of a Cradle

Never knew about significant of “kokro” ( traditional bamboo cradle) until i was asked to bring one by Yeba (limboo priest)on the occasion of my youngest son’s Yangdang Phongma (naming a child or nowran).
The “Kokro” is derived from Nepali word, traditional baby cot or cradle made out of bamboo.

Today kokro(bamboo cradle) making or weaving is a declining skill. It was the craft of the elderly and was honed and perfected over generations. It is a craft that needs instruction, expertise and a great deal of practice. A craft that could disappear within a few years because all that sustained it and brought it to the level that it has reached is now gone. As a hand skill, it is irreplaceable, and with changes in lifestyle, the need to adapt and preserve this skill becomes of utmost relevance.


It is very interesting to know that kokro making has traditional rules and regulation. Thumb rule is that the kokro making or weaving has to be completed on a single day once started. A person who is making kokro has to clean up himself in the morning and offer ‘mundum’ (oral tradition recitation of Limboo tribes) before weaving begins.
It had not fix rate. Traditionally, Person is offered with chang (millet wine), mana of rice and money once complete kokro is handed over to the parent of a baby.

Yangdang Phongma
(Naming a Child):

After three days for the female baby and four days for male baby, a ritual of Yangdang Phongma is performed. Its literal meaning is ‘hung a cradle’ and it is a ritual of purification of the mother, the baby, the house and the close relatives and giving name to the baby and showing the baby the light of the day. Usually Phedangma officiates the birth ceremonies.

The cradle is prepared and hung at the proper place by then. First of all, a puppy is kept there and the cradle is made to swing. It is believed that the dog saves the baby from evil spirits and other Sammang Chyang (inferior divinities having harmful character). A shell of the Neghokkirimba (a snail) is hung on the ropes of the cradle with the belief that the soul of the baby will hide in the shell while sleeping in the cradle so that the evil spirits will not see his or her soul. Some People even place or insert some medicinal herbs also in the cradle. Finally the baby is kept in the cradle and the cradle is made to swing slowly.

Phedangmas believe that the God of Destiny writes the luck (fate) of the baby at the night of Yandangphongma, but in the introductory recitation of Mundhums, Phedangmas, Sambas, or Yebas and Yemas mention that they are, accomplishing their job which was predestined by Nawalungmang Chosaplumang (God of destiny or luck) while they were in the inner world, unseen world in the womb of mother. It is a common practice among all Mundhum reciters to speak something about their vocation. These show that the future of the baby is determined when he or she is in the mother’s womb.

Yalambar in the Mahabharata: History vs. Literature

Written by Pradeep Rai on . Posted in Articles & Opinions. 1 Comment on Yalambar in the Mahabharata: History vs. Literature

Yalambar in the Mahabharata? I fail to understand why the Kirati Khambus place so much importance on the Mahabharata. Mahabharata, the Indian epic, is literature while the Kiratis including Yalambar and his progeny are real historical figures. The history of the Kirata dynasty in the ancient Himalayas comes with conclusive empirical proof derived from ancient chronicles and archaeological findings. If you read the history of the Indian subcontinent right from the Indus Valley Civilization to the Mauryas and the Guptas, there is absolutely no evidence to support the Ramayana and the Mahabharata. You will, however, find the political prominence of the Kiratis in that period.

It is no wonder that they found mention in the works of popular literature like the Ramayana and the Mahabharata. But they are works of fiction and must not be taken as a history lesson. Mahabharata is written on a logical surmise while targeting the metaphysical while the Kiratis always had the metaphysical embedded in the Mundhum through Sumnima and Paruhang. Our logic and truth however, is based on Yalambar and his descendants. So why transform history into fiction? Why are Kirati Khambus hell bent on making Yalambar a fictional hero, slain by Krishna, rather than seeing him as a historical figure who conquered Kathmandu (which by the way is a fact)?

Pic: Barbarik in Mahabharata with his three divine arrows

The Mahabharata talks about this powerful king called Babarik who would turn the tides of the Kurukshetra war by taking the Pandava side and Krishna chops off his head, to avoid the calamity. Nepali Newars of Kathmandu, especially the “Jyapu” community believe that this chopped off head flew all the way to Kathmandu and landed on the site where the famous “Akash Bhairav” temple stands today. Many Newars believe that the head belongs to the great Kirati King Yalambar and the Kiratis have widely accepted this claim without any historical data or reference. This idea of bringing together elements that would ordinarily be considered at odds with one another is utterly baffling and can be owed to the dominant ascension of Hindu superiority in mainstream Kirati culture and traditions.

It has now become evident that fictions of literary make-believe and cultural beliefs are sometimes functionally identical. One can also argue that, since both historical and literary source materials are linguistic, figurative ones, they must be interpreted in similar ways. But even though the Kirati Khambus claim Yalambar’s appearance in the Mahabharata, the epic itself does not mention the name Yalambar or Yalam or Yellung. This only proves that the Kiratis, while revering Mahabharata and the Hindu Gods have actually not real the epic poem and only reiterate the rumors that they have somehow heard over the years.

Pic: Akash Bhairav Temple in Indra Chowk, Kathmandu, Nepal

Involved here is more than a mere squabble over face and fiction. It is related to cultural inferiority complex that seem to subdue Kirati life. The idea of the Mahabharata cannot be separated from its values, information and ideology, the original idea behind the conception of the epic. But for the Kiratis, the myth seems to be a soft power and Hindu propaganda exuded over the centuries on indigenous tribal population. With the addition of the Yalambar lore to the Mahabharata, the Kiratis have utterly failed to differentiate reality from myth and life from literature.  This idea only reflects a belief in the existence of some sort of “objective”, to be in a cultural equation with popular Indian Hindu culture. This in itself, is a very dangerous proposition for the Mundhum way of life. This means that the Kirati Khambu have genuinely confused Yalambar with a fiction idol subconsciously and reject the evidences collected through the Gopalarajavamshali and the Padmagiri Vamshali.

Mahabharata is neither history nor a biography. So why do we attach so much value to what’s written in the Mahabharata? Are we not confusing history with fiction? I believe that Kirati Khambus have yet to discard their Hinduism hangover and stop basing historic credentials on the scripture of the Hindus. I am not against any epic or the mention of our kings in those epics. What I do resent is that we base our history on these epics rather than rely on historical facts. If we believe that Yalambar participated in the Mahabharata, we will have to also believe in the existence of Krishna as well as of Ganesha writing that book for humanity. As Kiratis with a major identity crisis, our objective must be the search of truth and not to get lost in fiction or fantasy. Or are we looking for a Mahabharata certificate of approval for Yalambar to exist?