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Author: Pradeep Rai

Pradeep Rai is a writer and researcher studying the ethnic culture and history of the Himalayan Tribes.

Bhumye – The Magar Ritual of Earth Worship

The fact that Magars are essentially nature worshippers can be derived from their social customs and rituals. Over the many centuries many Magars are known to have accepted both Hindu and Buddhist philosophies but Magars are quintessentially Nature worshippers. Magars worship Semya, Bhumya, Sirung, Sedeni and Banajhakri.

Many rituals that relate to nature worship, such as offering raw eggs or chickens, worshipping stone idols, hoisting religious banners, offering milk, rice grains and turmeric, making offerings on hill tops, using Shamans to ward off evil spirits, offering prayers for safe keeping from lightning and thunder, praying for the rain, can be found in Magar rituals. For the Magars, a year consists of only two seasons. The ascending season (Ubhauli) March to June and the descending season August-February (Udhauli).

According to Magar myth and folklore, there were two brothers. Syopa and Gorpa. Syopa was the manifestation of nature and Gorpa was a human. When it came to dividing their inheritance, Gorpa asked Syopa to leave the farmlands, houses and civilization and go to live in the forests. And so man distanced himself from nature but they couldn’t stay apart for long and each still became dependent on each other.

In the ancient times, the Magars would eat Yam. When the age of agriculture dawned, the Magars realized that all cultivated crops needed to be saved from landslides, floods and droughts. They started offering new crops to nature and celebrated the day in prayer and rejoicing with merriment and dancing. To make nature happy, they would also offer animals in the form of sacrifice to nature. This led the way to the ritual of Bhumye or Earth worship. In many regions, the Magars started this custom during the sowing season and at others, they did so during the harvesting season. But today the first day of the month of Shrawan is the universally accepted date for this ritual.

The last King of the Atharah (18) Magarat region, Darya Jaitam had seen a devastating flood in the monsoon when his entire fortress had been swept away and he issued a decree to start a ritualistic festival in lieu of a Lunar Calendar where young men and women (Dhapa – Dhami) would sing, dance and pray for rid the world from disasters, famine and disease. The ritualistic festival of Bhumya has many names in different Magar inhabited regions.  Some call it Bhumya while some called it Bal Puja or Nokowang/Rangkya Tihar. It may also be called Chokhe parva or Dhodla-Dhodli puja. The purpose of this worship ritual is to pray for abundance and for the elimination of negative energies around one’s birthplace and where one might survive, stay, flourish and thrive.

A month before the actual date of the worship ritual, the festival commences and one can hear people cleaning up their music instruments, practicing and playing it and young men and women gathering in groups to prepare for traditional dances.  A makeshift shrine is made for the ritual where are stone idol is placed. The shrine is made using rice straw and a wicker basket which olds ritualistic items are placed near the shrine. All the village farmers bring in the new crops along with offerings of money to be put across the shrine as a mark of respect and gratitude for a good harvest and abundance. The sacrificial animal is taken around the village and shown to all the residents. Its body is marked with ashes and purified with rice grains as it is circled around every house in the village. After the formal ritual worship ends, all the people get together for “Syai” which is ritualistic, festival dance of the Magar people.

Yalambar in the Mahabharata: History vs. Literature

Yalambar in the Mahabharata? I fail to understand why the Kirati Khambus place so much importance on the Mahabharata. Mahabharata, the Indian epic, is literature while the Kiratis including Yalambar and his progeny are real historical figures. The history of the Kirata dynasty in the ancient Himalayas comes with conclusive empirical proof derived from ancient chronicles and archaeological findings. If you read the history of the Indian subcontinent right from the Indus Valley Civilization to the Mauryas and the Guptas, there is absolutely no evidence to support the Ramayana and the Mahabharata. You will, however, find the political prominence of the Kiratis in that period.

It is no wonder that they found mention in the works of popular literature like the Ramayana and the Mahabharata. But they are works of fiction and must not be taken as a history lesson. Mahabharata is written on a logical surmise while targeting the metaphysical while the Kiratis always had the metaphysical embedded in the Mundhum through Sumnima and Paruhang. Our logic and truth however, is based on Yalambar and his descendants. So why transform history into fiction? Why are Kirati Khambus hell bent on making Yalambar a fictional hero, slain by Krishna, rather than seeing him as a historical figure who conquered Kathmandu (which by the way is a fact)?

Pic: Barbarik in Mahabharata with his three divine arrows

The Mahabharata talks about this powerful king called Babarik who would turn the tides of the Kurukshetra war by taking the Pandava side and Krishna chops off his head, to avoid the calamity. Nepali Newars of Kathmandu, especially the “Jyapu” community believe that this chopped off head flew all the way to Kathmandu and landed on the site where the famous “Akash Bhairav” temple stands today. Many Newars believe that the head belongs to the great Kirati King Yalambar and the Kiratis have widely accepted this claim without any historical data or reference. This idea of bringing together elements that would ordinarily be considered at odds with one another is utterly baffling and can be owed to the dominant ascension of Hindu superiority in mainstream Kirati culture and traditions.

It has now become evident that fictions of literary make-believe and cultural beliefs are sometimes functionally identical. One can also argue that, since both historical and literary source materials are linguistic, figurative ones, they must be interpreted in similar ways. But even though the Kirati Khambus claim Yalambar’s appearance in the Mahabharata, the epic itself does not mention the name Yalambar or Yalam or Yellung. This only proves that the Kiratis, while revering Mahabharata and the Hindu Gods have actually not real the epic poem and only reiterate the rumors that they have somehow heard over the years.

Pic: Akash Bhairav Temple in Indra Chowk, Kathmandu, Nepal

Involved here is more than a mere squabble over face and fiction. It is related to cultural inferiority complex that seem to subdue Kirati life. The idea of the Mahabharata cannot be separated from its values, information and ideology, the original idea behind the conception of the epic. But for the Kiratis, the myth seems to be a soft power and Hindu propaganda exuded over the centuries on indigenous tribal population. With the addition of the Yalambar lore to the Mahabharata, the Kiratis have utterly failed to differentiate reality from myth and life from literature.  This idea only reflects a belief in the existence of some sort of “objective”, to be in a cultural equation with popular Indian Hindu culture. This in itself, is a very dangerous proposition for the Mundhum way of life. This means that the Kirati Khambu have genuinely confused Yalambar with a fiction idol subconsciously and reject the evidences collected through the Gopalarajavamshali and the Padmagiri Vamshali.

Mahabharata is neither history nor a biography. So why do we attach so much value to what’s written in the Mahabharata? Are we not confusing history with fiction? I believe that Kirati Khambus have yet to discard their Hinduism hangover and stop basing historic credentials on the scripture of the Hindus. I am not against any epic or the mention of our kings in those epics. What I do resent is that we base our history on these epics rather than rely on historical facts. If we believe that Yalambar participated in the Mahabharata, we will have to also believe in the existence of Krishna as well as of Ganesha writing that book for humanity. As Kiratis with a major identity crisis, our objective must be the search of truth and not to get lost in fiction or fantasy. Or are we looking for a Mahabharata certificate of approval for Yalambar to exist?

Newari Lesson 1

Newari Lesson 1

  • सेतो – तुयु

    कालो – हाकु

    हरियो – वाङ्गु / वँउ

    रातो – य्हाङु / य्हाँउ

    निलो – वोचु

    पहेंलो – म्हासु

  • घर – छेँ

    झ्याल – झ्या

    दैलो – खापा

    भान्सा – बैगल्

    आँगन – चुका

    जंगल – गुँ

  • खेत – बुँ

    गाँउ – गा

    पोखरी – पुखु

    खोला – खुशी

    बाटो – लँ

    मन्दिर – द्योछेँ

  • पसल – पस

    उत्सव – नख:

    हिमाल – च्वापुगुं

Tamu Lesson 2

Tamu Lesson 2

  • धिँ – घर्

    धिँछार् – नया घर्

    म्रोधिं – दरबार

    रोधिं – बुन्ने घर वा सुत्ने घर्

    ल्हेधिं – कुल्घर्

    खेब धिं – पाठ्शाला

  • द र धिं – घाटु नच्ने घर्

    आश्यों धि – मामा घर्

    कोहिबो धिं – पुजा आजा गर्ने घर्

    छोज धिं – सभा घर्

    योंब धिं – जन्म घर्

    ङेन धिं – पुरानो घर्

  • रोह्सै धिं – आफ्नो घर्

    ख्याबै धिं – अर्काको घर्

    क्ल्योब धिं – रङ्ग शाला

    खें धिं – पित्री घर्

    कुँ धिं – शौचाआलय

     

  • आम्जी धिँ – अस्पताल् (डाक्टर को घर्)

Tamu Lesson 1

Tamu Lesson 1

  • आप्पा – बाबा

    आम्मा – आमा

    बाथे – ठुलाबा

    मथे – ठुलिआमा

    बाच्यो – काका

    आम्च्यो – काकि

  • आगि – दाइ

    च्योए – भाइ

    आता – दिदी

    आना – बहिनि

    पा – पति

    मृ – शृमति

  • आस्याङ् – मामा

    आअनि – माइजु

    चों – भाउजु /बुहारि

    प्रेश्यो – दुलही

    सेंबो – साला

    म्हो – भिनाजु /जेठान

  • म्होच – ज्वाइ

    आच्यामा – आमा कि बहिनि

    स्योमे – सासु

    कें – ससुरा

    चह् – छोरा

    चहमि – छोरि

  • ओउमो – पुसै

    फाने – फुपु

    ङ्लो – सोल्टी

    ङल्स्यो – सोल्टिनि

    कोलो – बच्चा

    कोउंछ – नाती

  • कोउंमि – नातीनि

    ङेहेल् – मित

    ङेहेल्स्यो – मितीनइ

Magar Lesson 2

Magar Lesson 2

  • अण्डा – रहु ग्वारहु

    कुखुरा – ग्वा

    कालिज – डिग्वा

    कुखुरा (पोथी) – ग्वामान

    कुखुरा (भाले) – भालेग्वा भल्या

    कुकुर – चिउ

  • गंगटो – रे

    गाई – हेत्को

    गोरु – बार्डा ठोर

    घोडा – घोह्रा

    चमेरो – घिचीन

    चरा पंछी – ग्वा

  • छेपारो – बारछाम

    बादर – लाखु बाडर

    बाख्रा –  रह़ा

    बाघ – राघु

    ब्वासो – बनचिउ

    भालु – भालु

  • भेडा – भेह्रा

    भ्यागुतो – रोकोत्याक

    माछा – डिस्या

    मुसा – बिउ

    सर्प – बुल

    सुङ्गुर – वाक

Thar, Pacha & Samet : Khambu Clan System

Khambu is a tribe. Within this tribe there are subgroups or sub-tribes which are known as Thars. At present there are 28 Thars within the Khambu tribe. Khambu is a tribe. Within this tribe there are subgroups or sub-tribes which are known as Thars. At present there are 28 Thars within the Khambu tribe. Khambu is a tribe. Within this tribe there are subgroups or sub-tribes which are known as Thars. At present there are 28 Thars within the Khambu tribe.

Khambu is a tribe. Within this tribe there are subgroups or sub-tribes which are known as Thars. At present there are 28 Thars within the Khambu tribe.

Thar

Khambu is a tribe. Within this tribe there are subgroups or sub-tribes which are known as Thars. At present there are 28 Thars within the Khambu tribe. Some of the more populous ones are Chamling, Bantawa, Kulung, Thulung, Khaling, Bahing, Mewahang, Lohrung, Athpahare, Nachhiring  etc. This division of the Khambus into various sub-tribes allows for the minor alterations in the ritualistic practices while the essence of the traditions remains homogeneous largely.

Pacha

Within the sub-tribe is the system of clans. Thars are further classified into various minor clans known as Pacha. Pa = Father and Cha =Son. Therefore this system is what can be called a family name passed on by father to son. As families spread, it is the Pacha which keeps them connected over many generations. Therefore two people with the same Pacha cannot intermarry.  Pacha is used for general introductions of origin whereas Samet is used for special introduction of origin. Similar Pacha denotes that they are descendents of the same ancestral line which had been divided into further mini tribes in the old days. It is said that once a person owns his own Pacha, he will have to survive on his own for 7 generations after which Pacha becomes valid. Once a girl gets married, she acquires her husband’s Pacha while her traditional Samet remains unchanged.

Samet

There is a further classification within the Pacha known as the Samet or Same. Samet is 
again further classified into Hongchi Samet which consists of the Female and Male Samet (prevalent among most Thars). There is another kind of Samet which is known as Sichi Samet. This is the Samet of the deceased which is usually required for invocation during Mang Sewa (Ancrestral Worship). 

Samet is the relationship of man to his ancestors. It is used as an association with his ancient forefathers is can be interpreted not just in the kinship category but more at a spiritual level. Samet is the original or proto name which identifies people, clans and objects in their relations with the ancestors. Samet relates a person to a group beyond his or her own clan to the original clan or group.

It is important to pronounce the name of the Samet of the groom and the bride at the time of marriage. It is important to pronounce the Samet of the deceased person at the time of his funeral. Even when Shamans are healing a person, they require the Samet of the person to be treated.

Sociological Importance of the Kipat System

Kipat is collective land ownership or a communal land tenure system. The ancient Kirati Khambus, who became the first settlers on any land, identified themselves with its soil and water source. Kirat Mundhum says, “the earth or any patch of land does not belong to humans but the humans surely belong to the earth”. The tradition of collective cultivation existed among the Khambus long before any form of land ownership or taxation systems developed. A tribe would cultivate the land together and distribute the harvest among themselves. This idea of cultivating land together and a sense belonging to the land came to be called “Kipat”.

The Sen Kings, in an act of truce with the Kiratis right up to 1772 CE, had maintained the Kipat system with the Kiratis. This was upheld by Karna Sen and Buddhikarna Rai. The Kirati lands of Majh Kirat enjoyed the Kipat system long before the Gorkhalis came knocking at their doors in 1772 CE. ‘Kipat’ was a form of communal land ownership. Kipat land was kept as a tribal area where it was acquired by someone having a membership in a particular ethnic group. This provided a four point advantage to the Kiratis during that time.

a) The Land was declared a tribal area
b) Collective Ownership
c) Local Self Governance.
d) Tax according to Home ownership.

After the Gorkhas invaded the Kirat regions, one of the first things they implemented was the gradual change of the Kipat system by converting it to the Raikar system. Historians argue that Kipat system was manipulated by the Sen rulers themselves long before the Gorkhas, by giving Birta lands to the Pokharels (priestly Brahmins) for good service while leaving only the wastelands for the Kiratis. The Gorkhas added to it with a term called Seva Birta to grant a land for some service. This was basically done to not just infiltrate non-Kiratis into the region but also to appease them. Periodic examinations of Kipat registration began regularly and all doubtful or unregistered Kipat holdings were converted into Raikar. Raikar is the form where the land ownership belongs to the state (King).

A document of 1857 A.D refers to the examination of some Kipat lands and the conversion of those lands to the Raikar system. In 1828 A,R, a survey team had found Kipat lands at Muga in Chainpur which were previously being cultivated by Jimdars (Rais). They converted it to the Raikar system to be given to Mukunda Thapa (Chettri), Biru Thapa(Chettri) and Arjun Thapa.

The Kipat system in the Kirati lands was in contrast to other forms of land use like Raikar, Birta, Guthi, Jagir and Rakam under which tenant rights were bestowed by the state upon individuals or institutions. Titles to the Kipat land were generally vested in the most powerful man in a village community entrusted and empowered with the status of Rai, Subba or Jimmawal. He became the direct middleman between the people and the state administration. The Shah Kings used this system to their advantage for a certain period of time. They used it to assimilate influential political people in the entire Kirat region to restructure it to build a comprehensive, semi-feudal administrative module.

One of the most important responsibilities of the village chief was to collect taxes from his people also known as Raiti, and to direct the proceeds to the regional tax office. He was also responsible to the indigenous population as well as immigrants. Immigrants who lived upon the good graces of the Kiratis were called Dhakre and those who purchased or received a gift of land from the Kiratis were called Kinnuwa Raiti. The taxes on the Kipat system of land were called Serma or Dhuri because it was based on a household rather than the size of the property.

The Kipat system was abolished earlier in Majh Kirat than Pallo Kirat. This gave way to the Raikar system and subsequently made it easier for immigrants to buy land and register it under their name. Kipat system did not just have economic implications but it also held sociological importance in the Kirat tribal and family structure and beliefs. It is important to understand why taxes in the Kipat system were collected on a household basis.

The symbolic meaning and significance of a house as a structure of ritual gives credibility to the concept that the individual household was taken in the sense of the common Hearth Stones (Suptulung). Each house was believed to stand at the centre of the world and with its Suptulung, it became a ritually autonomous structure. And because Raikar system came into practice, families disintegrated gradually and kinship and solidarity started to loosen within the Kirati tribes. This change had large repercussions on the Tribal structure of the Kiratis and its traces can be seen even today within the Kirati communities of the world.

Ukhundi- A Unique Khambu Tradition

Unlike many traditions of the Indian sub continent (especially those of Aryan communities) not much is specified regarding daughters when they are married off. Kirati Khambu Mundhum however specifically ensures the comfort, safety and well being of our daughters even after they get married.

During the marriage of Kirati Khambus, the girl has to be officially given to the groom by a”dialogue” called Bagdatta which translates to “given by word of mouth”. By the means of this Bagdatta the bridegroom is accorded certain rights with respect to the bride, such as legitimacy of their offspring. Consequently she is separated (taken out) from her family Suptulung (Hearth Stones/Chula Dhunga).During this ceremony the ancestors and the protecting deities are requested not to follow the daughter henceforth.

When a Kirati Khambu Rai girl is married off, she has to be cared for by her husband. If he does not fulfill his responsibilities which lead to tensions in their married life, the family of the wife intervenes. They provide advice, suggestions or counseling to the married couple. If the couple still opts for separation, the man owing full responsibility of not abiding by his duties and obligations, has to pay a fine consisting of alcohol, victuals and money to the girl. This fine is considered to be helpful to purify the separation and the unbinding of the marriage and is called “Chokhauni” (Nepali ?).

The separated daughter has to be brought back to the family lineage or “Kul” with the help of Nakchhongs or Mangpas. The daughter is then reentered into the Suptulung and purified.This tradition is called Ukundi and is unuique only to the Kirati Rai society.Once Ukhundi is complete, the daughter is given a “unmarried” status in the family. .The offspring of the daughter can decide whether they want to be a part of their mother’s lineage of their father’s lineage.

Ukhundi ensures that a Kirati Khambu Rai daughter is never neglected by her family and birth parents. This system creates strong family bonds and therefore strengthens a tribe. In a world where Kirati customs today (ironically by Kirati youth) are viewed as barbaric, Ukhundi system is a testament to the beauty and morality of a culture.

Castanopsis: Why Kattus is Important to Khambus

It is said that Sumnima created five plants on earth to benefit mankind and to conduct rituals (Hangcha Kupma).

  1. Ghungring (Poaceae),
  2. Kaulo (Machilus),
  3. Amliso (Thysanolaena maxima/Tiger grass),
  4. Titepati (Mugwort)
  5. Katus (Castanopsis)

These were each created to serve specific purposes. The Katus plant holds great significance in the protection of people from evil spirits but it is also said that the tree holds such power that sometimes any spirit can be warded off in the presence of a twig or even a leaf of a Katus tree. Most Mangpas cannot find a state of trance if a person closest to him is carrying a Katus leaf or a twig.

In the saga of Khakchulip/Hetchakuwa,when the sisters (Tayama/Khiyama) are finally reunited with Khakchulip, their long lost brother, they dance around a Katus tree. Their jubilance is also based on the fact that they find their brother alive (whom they had thought was dead) and therefore the tree is symbolic as the tree of life. While they dance, they say, ‘’We have trodden on our Maiti, now we raise the head of the Maiti (Sayachongma)’’. In this context, the significance and symbolism of the Katus tree extends greatly.

The Kirat Mundhum places great importance on Katus. It says that living or dead spirits can be lost in its presence and the plant can be used to purify a person in times of great difficulty or ill health. The twigs of the plant can also be used as a medium to communicate with the ancestors in the spiritual realm. During Sakela or any ritual, when the Kirati Khambus are doing the Sili (Dance), the whole atmosphere is open to spiritual energies. At such times, the whole attention of the spiritual realm is focused on the Sili and it could either please or aggravate the spiritual energies. The spirits, in a state of trance could enter the body of any dancer. It is to avoid such mishap that one can see Sili dancers carrying twigs of the Katus tree while dancing.

Mangpas (Shamans) of the Khambu Community

The Kirat Mundhum religion has its own rules, laws, bylaws, code of conduct, and discipline. It is up to the Shamans (Mangpas) to facilitate them. A Mangpa is a medium between the physical and the divine.

  • Mangdowa
  • Nakchhong
  • Saarimangpa
  • Mangpa
  • Bungwa Mangpa

a. Mangdowa/Woptongmi
Mangdowa performs worship rituals of one particular family lineage. Other than this, he helps pray for peace and harmony and strength from the ancestors. A Mangdowa has no teacher and are self learned.

b. Nakchhong
During the lack of a crop harvest, Nakchhongs perform worship rituals during Rawa Udhauli and Ubhauli. They are self-learned, self-realized and do not have a teacher. During the unavailability of Nakchhongs, others can be chosen to perform the ritual worship at the Sakenwa altar. They do not have to worship the Hutlung (Sanctum Stones) after that.

c. Saarimangpa
Saarimangpas heal people who are affected by ghosts, bad spirits, or witches. They perform rituals using rice grains (acheta) to pacify wandering body-snatching spirits. It is believed that Saarimangpas establish wandering spirits (borne of unnatural death) into the ancestral spirit world. They gain knowledge and wisdom from a guru. During rituals, they use Bouquet Grass (Amliso), Ginger (Aduwa), Persea dutbei (Kaulo), Poaceae (Ghungring), White Castanopsis (Kattus).

d. Rungpukmi/Rawenmi
The Mangpas who have no masters are always self-learned. Many Mangpas claim to be disciples of the Ban Jhankri (forest-dwelling Shaman). Such Mangpas are known as Raahangmi, Suksangmi Mangpas. Such Mangpas use flowers even more than the Saarimangpas during their rituals. They bring Mamaang (female evil spirits) and Halla (male wandering spirits) onto the right path and help the people affected by such spirits. Thereafter, the Kirat Mundhum believes that people are freed from the adverse effect of such spirits.

e.Bungwamangpa
There are flowers located at different body parts of the Kiratis and if these flowers are moved or withered, Bungwamanpas reestablish them. Since they are self-learned, they do not have a teacher. With the help of 362 different flowers, they travel the universe during their ritualistic process.  They can change their appearances (Chusawa) and can also become invisible. These are powerful Shamans. They worship Budahang and also known as Bungpenmimangpa. Mundhum says that they possess tantric powers to kill their enemies.

The Importance of Ginger in Khambu Rituals

As Sumnima and Paruhang are considered the creators of the world, Ginger is considered a manifestation of their hands. For the Khambu Rai people, Ginger is sacred. Learned Mangpas use ginger before they start predicting anyone’s future. In order to do this, the process of “Kachur” is important. Mangpas hold the ginger in their left hand and with a small sickle they slice the ginger in a quick motion. When the ginger hits the floor, it is either faced down or upward. If the ginger is facing downward it is considered a symbol of Paruhang or + (Positive Sign).

The Mangpa then slices another portion of the Ginger and this time if the slice is facing upwards (i.e the raw open part faces the sky), it is considered a symbol of Sumnima or –(Minus Sign). When this happens, the future is considered good, profitable or prosperous. But if in case both the times, the ginger slice faces downward or + + (plus plus) sign is created, the future is not considered favorable. Or if its – – (minus minus) both the times, the future is still bleak and not good. Only when there is a combination of Positive and Negative signs, that the floor becomes a medium of “Earthing”and the future looks favorable.

Since Sumnima and Paruhang are considered creators of the world, their union, through Ginger is considered important. Fruitful results can be achieved with a combination of both the Positive and Negative signs together. This is as important as Mathematical Probability or the Chinese Yin and Yang. This is also as important as the combination of the Blade (Male) and Chalice (Female) in Pagan Cultures of the West.

Death and Consciousness: Concepts in the Mundhum

In the Kirati Khambu Rai world, the event of death is classified by the nature of circumstances connected with its occurrence. As a rule, death is distinguished according to the causes of the decease. There are two basic kinds; death from old age or illness and death from accidents or violent causes. Any natural cause of death, typically of old age provides the deceased with an opportunity to exit from earthly existence to enter the spiritual realm and be united with the ancestors. During death by accident of violent means, the traumatic event that shakes a person and the sudden and irreversible removal from earthly existence does not immediately eliminate the consciousness of the material world from the mind of the deceased and while the person reaches another dimension, his instinctive tendency is to regain the previously occupied social role before his soul’s separation from the body.


Such spirits could become “ Sehe “ or wandering spirits. Female Sehe is called Mamang and male Sehe is called Halla. The spiritual realm of the female Sehe is in a space within the earth. According to the Kirat Mundhum, it is suspended in a singularity, a corner or a cave where no living man can ever enter. Male Sehe also have a definite spiritual realm. It is suspended within the living earth but invisible to our perceptions. It could be in a deep forest or a desert or a hill. Male Sehe can float with the wind and they haunt the beasts in the forest. The Mundhum says that one can control these wandering spirits. Both male and female Sehe are in unimaginable pain and to bring them back to the right location, the Mangpa uses certain instruments to float with the wind. But this can be done only when he detaches himself from his own hearth stones (Chula Dhunga) to enter the spirit world and find them.


The Mangpa makes a long spiritual journey starting from the sacred rivers of east Nepal, gathering Mundhum knowledge from Khokwalung (rock at the confluence of Arun, Dudhkoshi and Tamor rivers) and finally crossing a desert to brings back the Sehes and to put them at eternal peace.

Magar Lesson 1

Magar Lesson 1

  • भात – छो

    रोटी – बेस्काङ्ग

    दुध – डुत

    पीठो – बेभोक

    तेल – सिडी

    तरकारी – मेट

  • साग – गान

    सागसब्जी – गानमते

    च्याउ – म्हुगान

    तरुल – नाम्या

    सिस्नु – घेउ

    नुन – छा

  • लसुन – आर्याक

    पानी – डी

    मासु – स्या

    जाड – हान

    कोदो – राङ्ग्क्वा

    धान – छोसान

  • चामल – छुरु

    फल – स्याच

    केरा – मोचा

    आप – सटाक

    आरू – घोर्ली

    काक्रो – ङ्गे