Tag: magar

The Magar marriage system serves as a central institution within Magar society, reflecting both enduring rituals and diachronic transformations shaped by shifting social and cultural contexts. Marital practices such as cross-cousin marriage and clan-based exogamic taboos articulate cultural norms that shape kinship ties and uphold the social boundaries of the Magar community. In traditional Magar culture, marriage is a public, ancestral, and communal institution instead of a mere dyadic romantic union. These practices underscore the collective nature of marriage, positioning it as a mechanism for social reproduction and cultural continuity across generations. In this way, marriage among the Magars operates as both a form of negotiation and reinforcement of identity, integrating individual choice within broader communal imperatives.

Historically, cross-cousin marriage lay at the heart of Magar matrimonial alliances. A preferred pattern involved a man marrying his mamacheli, the daughter of his maternal uncle. This union was a practical arrangement and a culturally sanctioned ideal that reaffirmed long-standing ties between wife-giving (Maiti) and wife-receiving (Kutumba) lineages. If the preferred mamacheli was unavailable, a younger girl from the same maternal line could still be considered. Such relationships were encouraged from a young age, often expressed through playful teasing and familiarity, which functioned as a culturally recognized courtship dynamic. In sharp contrast, marriage with a phupucheli, the daughter of one’s paternal aunt, was strictly prohibited. This distinction underscores a deep moral architecture within Magar kinship, where certain forms of closeness are celebrated and others considered transgressive. Moreover, reciprocal marriage between the same two lineages across generations, where a wife-giving clan becomes a wife-receiving one, is regarded as a violation of social balance, tantamount to incest within Magar ethical reasoning.

As society changed, so too did the forms of marriage. New ideas brought through education, migration, and state influence softened older certainties. Yet even with evolving practices, the underlying principles of lineage continuity and clan exogamy remain central. A marriage in Magar culture and tradition is as much a ritual transaction between families as it is a personal choice. It links households, affirms social responsibilities, and reestablishes relationships between clans. Ritual acts such as offerings, blessings, and assigned roles during ceremonies reflect a worldview in which personal unions are deeply embedded in collective identity.

Traditionally animist and later shaped by Hindu and Buddhist syncretism, Magar society maintains strict rules of clan exogamy. Marriages are prohibited within the same thar (clan), a rule intended to ensure genetic diversity and uphold ancestral boundaries. Kinship is both genealogical and spiritual realities. In the Kham Magar regions of the Atharah Magarat, shamans known as Ramma are regularly consulted before a marriage takes place. Their role is to sense spiritual disturbances, interpret ancestral signs, and ensure that the union aligns with unseen forces. Within this worldview, marriage carries meaning that extends beyond the material or personal. It forms a bridge between generations, links the household to the realm of spirits, and affirms the individual’s place within the larger social and cosmological order.

Among the Magars, marriage functions as more than a personal union between two people; it acts as a reaffirmation of social order, lineage continuity, and ancestral connections. Arranged marriage, known as Lagañya, stands as the most widely accepted and ritually endorsed form. Elders take the lead in these unions, relying on memory, clan ties, and perceived compatibility to negotiate the match. Engagements include exchanging symbolic offerings such as locally brewed alcohol, betel nut, and livestock, followed by rituals that unite two individuals as well as their kin groups. These alliances are carefully crafted, respecting rules of clan exogamy and reinforcing established social boundaries.

Elopement or love marriage (Odañya), represents a shift in generational attitudes. Couples who elope without prior approval often return later to seek ritual recognition and family reconciliation. Although once viewed as transgressive, these unions have gained increasing acceptance, especially in areas influenced by education and urban lifestyles that emphasize autonomy and love. Still, the reconciliation process remains vital. It involves offerings, dialogue, and the construction of a new consensus founded on retrospective acknowledgment of the couple’s decision rather than prearranged negotiations.

Additional forms of union add complexity to the marriage system. Capture marriage, referred to as Jari Biha in Nepali, and levirate marriage, Bhauju Biha, were once part of the social fabric but now mostly survive as remnants of earlier times. Jari involved taking a woman, sometimes with consent, sometimes without, accompanied by ritual compensation to her natal family. Levirate marriage involved a younger brother marrying the widow of his elder sibling, ensuring economic continuity and preserving kinship roles. These practices, though still present in some isolated areas, now occupy marginal positions in Magar ritual life and lack the formal recognition accorded to Lagañya or Odañya.

While native terms exist for arranged and elopement marriages, others often lack indigenous labels. This absence has led some to question whether practices like jari, levirate, or symbolic cohabitation are originally Magar or borrowed from dominant cultures over time. However, such views risk ignoring the realities of cultural change. In oral societies, language loss and assimilation are common, and the absence of specific terms does not mean practices have vanished. Instead, customs are lived through daily habits rather than always being explicitly named.

In areas such as the Barah Magarat, where Nepali has replaced Dhut in everyday speech, many native expressions have faded even as the social structures they described endure. Although Jari Biha is a Nepali term, the practice of restitution in disrupted marriages reflects Magar values of balance, reciprocity, and social healing. Authenticity here depends less on linguistic purity and more on whether the underlying values and relational principles continue to embody a distinctly Magar worldview.

In Magar marriage rituals, symbolic actions and material offerings are central to affirming social relationships, ancestral blessings, and communal legitimacy. Alcohol, particularly Lee (Jaad or Rice Beer) and Mudd (Raksi or Traditional distilled spirit), serves a dual role as both a celebratory drink and a ritual object imbued with cultural significance. During matrimonial negotiations, the exchange and consumption of alcohol carry layered meanings. For example, when a marriage proposal is presented, the groom’s family offers alcohol in a wooden container called Koriya to the bride’s family. The acceptance of this offering signals agreement to the union, while refusal requires the return of any initial gifts (often doubled) in a practice known as Sahi. Certain types of alcohol hold specific ceremonial importance; a three-day fermented rice beer, Jahman, is traditionally given to wedding guests and the groom’s party as a symbolic blessing before their departure. Across many regions, especially in western Nepal, alcohol is the preferred medium for hospitality and ritual purity, at times taking precedence over other customary offerings such as yogurt or curd.

Symbolism in Magar marriage extends beyond material offerings to include spatial arrangements and ritual performances. In the bride’s natal home, she is accorded a position of honor, seated to the right and receiving the Tika, a ritual blessing made with rice grains applied to the forehead, before the groom. This order is deliberately reversed after marriage, signifying her incorporation into her husband’s lineage and the resulting shift in kinship hierarchy. In cases of elopement, reconciliation rituals known as Sodhni require both bride and groom to present jars of alcohol to the bride’s family, affirming mutual consent and restoring family relationships. Collectively, these ritual elements sustain the Magar marriage system’s connection to ancestral cosmology, weaving together domestic life, community values, and spiritual order.

Marriage rituals are elaborate affairs among the Magars, functioning as structured processes of kinship affirmation and social legitimacy. From the outset, the role of the Lami (marriage intermediary) is vital. The Lami, often a maternal uncle (Mama) or a sister’s husband (Jwaaichela), delivers the marriage proposal along with Sagun, a symbolic offering comprising items like Raksi (distilled alcohol), Tarul (yam), honey, and money. Acceptance of the Sagun signifies consent to the union, while refusal halts proceedings. In many regions of Central-West Nepal, only an odd-numbered group of male relatives accompanies the proposal, and the offering is reciprocated by the bride’s family through a second set of Sagun, thus formalizing the engagement in a reciprocal framework.

The ritual of bringing the bride to the groom’s home (behuli bhitraune) is central to the marriage process and is marked by spatial and symbolic rites. Before entering the house, the bride sets down a water-filled Amkhora (brass jug) at the threshold, symbolizing purification and auspicious entry. A rooster is sacrificed near the doorway as an offering to ancestral spirits and for spiritual safeguarding. The bride carries the jug inside and pours a few drops onto her mouth, marking her acceptance into the new household. In some areas, Chamal Tika, made of Dahi (curd) and Chamal (rice grains) is applied to the foreheads of both bride and groom by elder kin, beginning with the bride. This reversal of ritual order before and after marriage signifies the transition from natal to affinal kinship, and the shifting roles and status the bride undergoes. The application of tika, tying of Dubo-Paati (sacred wheatgrass and leaves), and collective feasting all contribute to affirming the union within the wider social and spiritual order.

In cases of elopement (Odañya), reconciliation rituals such as Sodhni serve to reintegrate the couple into normative kinship structures. Within three days of elopement, the groom’s party is expected to bring Raksi (distilled alcohol), Roti (traditional bread), and Jaaḍ (rice beer) to the bride’s family to seek retroactive approval. Failure to do so invites social sanction. The ritual offering signals accountability, respect for lineage, and the mending of relational ruptures. A further ritual, Chorkorya, involves delivering the right foreleg of a previously sacrificed goat or buffalo, kept aside during the behuli bhitraune, as a token of symbolic completion of the marriage process. This act serves as a restitution and also as an embodied communication of ritual closure and reparation.

The final phase, Janti jaane (bridal procession), represents the public legitimization of the marriage and involves exchange, gifting, and symbolic hospitality. On the day appointed by the bride’s family, the groom’s party arrives with ceremonial gifts, called Danda or compensation: a minimum of five containers of raksi, hundreds of Roti, live animals, and women’s traditional garments. These offerings are meant to reduce the economic burden of the bride’s family and to honor reciprocal ties. During this event, relatives perform reciprocal Dhogbheṭ (gestural greetings), and elders introduce the bridegroom to the extended kin. The wedding concludes with a communal feast and singing, often lasting up to three days.

Magar culture considers marriage functions a calibrated system of ritual acts to shape and stabilize shifting kinship ties. These rituals, while diverse across regions and responsive to social change, continue to serve as vital expressions of communal identity, ancestral reverence, and relational ethics. Each gesture carries a symbolic weight that extends far beyond its surface form. These acts do not operate in isolation but are woven into a broader ritual grammar through which households, lineages, and ancestral obligations are continuously aligned.

Even as external influences reshape certain customs, the underlying principles of reciprocity, clan respect, and ritual coherence persist, anchoring marriage as both a cultural continuity and a living tradition. Through this process, the institution of marriage emerges as a dynamic field where memory, belonging, and cosmology are enacted and renewed.

Social cluster, based on tribal affinity or kinship or, occasionally, on geographical contiguity, ensures the continued observance of social and religious customs and ceremonies within the community. Through the passage of countless centuries, the Himalayan tribes have weathered the ages, weaving intricate social clusters that exist in harmony with the tapestry of their cultural traditions. These clusters, like the Bheja system of the Magars, have played a significant role in the preservation of the tangible and intangible aspects of Magar culture. Bheja, a communal congregational group, holds the responsibility of overseeing various functions within the tribe. Despite being of independently Magar origin, it assumes the religious operations of the Guthi of the Newars, the economic functions of Dhikuri of the Thakalis, and the Kipat communal land tenure system of the Kiratis. The origin of the word Bheja comes from ‘bhai’ and ‘jaa’, meaning ‘brother’ and ‘descendant’ in the Magar language, and is a significant facet of traditional Magar culture.

Much like the norm within traditional scenarios, social clusters inherently involve a temporary relinquishment of personal rights to the collective, standing in stark contrast to the established norms of ordinary times. This encompasses economic behaviors, ritualistic choices, communal resource sharing, and even the inversion of societal roles. Such social clusters are vital in rural areas in keeping with social, economic, and cultural traditions. In the case of Bheja, while it is considered neither voluntary nor forced, it exists as a reminder of the connection between indigenous peoples to their lands and the traditions attached to it. It is a part of the customs of communal bonding that have existed for hundreds of years, preceding the creation of proper tribal groups, taking advantage of different climates, and harvesting periods, and allowing communities to perform cultural rites and participate in social interactions with other groups. A single community cluster can contain multiple Bhejas, and each Bheja may span across multiple clusters. The size of a Bheja can vary depending on the size of the cluster and any geographical or other differences. Every household within the cluster is expected to be a member of the Bheja, without any specific criteria.

Originally, Bheja was a camp or settlement of related families under a headman/chief and functioned in the past as a social and political unit. A strong sense of family that functions horizontally as well as vertically is a characteristic of the Magar community. Today, an elderly and respected male member of the community serves as the chief or Mukhiya. In its most general sense, Bheja consists of all those relatively stable features of a social system, which an acting unit would be prudent to take into account if it wishes to make rational decisions regarding the community as a single entity.  Even though the Mukhiya assumes the role of chairing meetings and holds a vital position in decision-making, their authority does not vary significantly from that of other members. It is expected that a Mukhiya chair all meetings, contribute suggestions, and occasionally delegate specific tasks to fellow members. However, he does not enjoy exceptional privileges.

Certain Bhejas have the power to include individuals who are not Magars within the same or neighbouring cluster. However, their participation within the Bheja is considerably restricted compared to that of the Magars. Consequently, invited members are unable to hold positions such as Mukhiya or Wappa/Bhusal (ritual priest of officiant). While social stratification typically implies the establishment of hierarchical positions within a society, distinguishing between superior and inferior ranks, the Magar culture places greater emphasis on Magar kinship while also embracing inclusivity within a contemporary multicultural context.

Bheja as a religious gathering

Bheja also arranges group worship ceremonies to venerate indigenous gods and ancestral spirits, encompassing an annual schedule of five distinct worship rituals.

During the final month of each year, a special event known as Susupak Bheja takes place, resembling a collective gathering for the entire community. Every household considers this occasion highly significant. It is during this period that new rules and regulations are formulated, modified, or reviewed. Within the economic framework of the community, decisions are reached concerning wages, the prices of essential goods like vegetables and meat, as well as other fundamental necessities. Vital matters are deliberated upon and settled for the upcoming year, including the potential selection of a new Mukhiya if needed. As a result, this event is referred to as “riti-thiti basalne Bheja,” signifying the establishment of norms. In certain regions, it is also known as Chandi Bheja. This particular period serves as an extensive discussion platform for village responsibilities, aspirations, and guidelines. A central focus of this event involves discarding obsolete customs and traditions in favor of embracing new ones.
Nwagi Bheja is observed prior to the commencement of the sowing season. During this period, the deities believed to influence a prosperous harvest are venerated. Collective worship ceremonies take place, and the community comes together to seek a favorable season, free from adversities and unforeseen natural events. Mangsire Bheja takes place in the month of Mangsir (November-December). This ritualistic observance, known as Bheja worship, is a way of honoring Thekani Mai, a revered female deity. The local community believes that Thekani Mai safeguards the villagers from illnesses. Similarly, Jethebheja involves the reverence of Firante Mai, a peripatetic divine feminine spirit. This ceremony occurs in the month of Jestha (May-June). On the other hand, Chaitebheja is a ritual performed to avert natural disasters connected to the earth, specifically focusing on soil-related calamities.

Social Functions of Bheja

Bheja consists of a wide variety of family groups, village houses, and institutional organizations that reflect community life. All decisions related to the benefit of a social group regarding religious activities, social, and agricultural celebrations are taken at the Bheja meetings.

Interestingly, these ceremonies do not necessitate designated temples or specific shrines for deities. The location for the rituals is determined by the Bheja itself. Typically, they choose hilltops in proximity to forests where activities such as timber cutting and livestock grazing are prohibited. This practice stems from the belief that naturally sacred and undisturbed places should be chosen. Consequently, the areas surrounding these sites retain their lush greenery. This aspect of their belief system has taken on a somewhat “conservationist hue,” representing a form of ecological adaptation. As part of appeasing the spirits, offerings of pigs, male buffaloes, goats, and jungle fowls are considered essential and are sacrificed during these ceremonies.

Agriculture and Bheja

Another culturally noteworthy practice within the Magar community involves a specific day when individuals abstain from engaging in activities beyond their homes. The exact date of this day varies across locations and groups, contingent on the guidance of Bheja. In the past, this day carried restrictions on the entry of outsiders into the village and the departure of villagers from it. Those who transgressed this custom would be subject to penalties. During this day, the Mukhiya offers a prayer to Bhume (the earth) through a ceremony known as Main Dhare.

While agriculture constitutes the primary occupation of the Magar people, Bheja encourages the practice of Parima, a system based on the reciprocal exchange of labor. Additionally, temporary labor collectives known as Bhaijeri come into play at times. Bheja oversees these transient labor groups, and instead of wages, they receive recompense in the form of two meals and beverages.

Bheja holds a crucial role in determining the schedule of fieldwork, guaranteeing that all households have the opportunity to efficiently accomplish their tasks in accordance with their requirements. Although Bheja’s initial purpose did not pertain to agricultural labor, it has now acquired the authority to establish and even modify labor wages. This strategy mitigates labor shortages among the Magars, especially during the most demanding phases of the farming seasons.

Across the various tribes inhabiting the Himalayan region, the social structure exhibits diversity influenced by group dynamics, objectives, and geographical placement. Tribal communities encompass a broad spectrum of family units, rural arrangements, and institutional structures that manifest in the fabric of community life. Consequently, the notion of social clusters, such as Bheja, serves as an analytical construct that amalgamates diverse forms of individual and collective conduct. Its purpose lies in uniting either an individual with a group or linking various members within a group. While contemporary society champions personal independence, within a clan system, greater emphasis is placed on shared accountability. Traditional teachings emphasize the pursuit of coexisting harmoniously with oneself, one’s family, the broader community, and even the natural world. Thus, within the framework of the Magar Bheja system, individuals are tasked with perpetuating these cultural teachings through their way of life.

In The Gorkha Soldier, a publication by Major H.R.K Gibbs of the British Army in 1944, he wrote, “the great Magar tribe is divided into seven clans viz:-Ale; Bura or Burathoki; Gharti; Pun; Rana; Roka and Thapa. While Northey and Morris’ famed research titled The Gorkhas, their manners, customs and country had mentioned only six “original” sub-tribes of the Magars in their publication, Gibbs added Roka to his list.

All are equal in social status and inter-clan marriages are usual and normal. A tribe can generally be considered a social section based on a genealogical notion of social structure. This is important to understand while studying sub-tribes – a concept that is more or less localized social units that sets them apart from each other. Often the term lineage is used but within the sub-tribe, there is a whole new clan structure which can be aptly called lineage that is exogamous in nature.

Much needed information about the Magar tribe can be found in the document archives of the British army. The records of the Gurkha regiment has been well documented. Though inter-clan marriages seemed to have been common in the Gurkha regiment, anthropologists say that this was obviously not the case in the villages, especially in the rural zones. There, the group was completely homogenous. This was because different clans of the Magars lived apart from each other. There were no means of communication between those clans and proper roads were uncommon. The clans also spoke unintelligible languages and followed different dietary restrictions.

Eden Vansittart, in Notes of Nepal (1894), also omitted the Buda and Roka Magars claiming that they became Magars not because of ethnicity but by settlement. He claimed that only “Allea, Burathoki, Gharti, Pun, Rana, and Thapa” were real Magars. Today, both Roka and Buda Magars are considered a part of the Magar tribe. Both clans inhabit the Baglung region and inter-clan marriage between them and the other Magar clans are quite common. Today it has been widely accepted that there are seven sub-tribes within the Magar tribe. But within these tribes, there are further branches or lineages that the Magars zealously adhere to.

In his research titled, The Hill Magars and their Neighbors, Jiro Kawakita classified the Magar tribe into two basic clans – 18 Magars and 14 Magars. This classification was done based on linguistic differences between the two groups. A marked distinction in their languages seemed to have come from living in different geographical regions. The 18 Magars live around the North-Western Himalayan region whereas the 14 Magars live around the Gandaki basin and the Terai regions of Lumbini.

Within each of these sub-tribes, there are various lineages that essentially form the Magar tribe. These lineages within the Magar sub-tribes weren’t merely created to demarcate or claim an inheritance. A close analysis of the names of these lineages tells us that many names have come from location, work, skills rather than just patrilineal descent.

Lineage names that come from places and locations seem to be prevalent among the Magars. For example, those Magars who lived close to the Bhuji River came to be called Bhujel Magars. Those who had migrated from Palpa to other places became Palpali Magars. Though such systems hardly fulfill the criteria of being called “lineage”, this practice within the Magar tribe seems normal because the Magars give more importance to the sub-tribe rather than lineage.

Writers like Eden Vansittart called these “lineages” kin groups. It was noticed by Vansittart that many men who aspired to join the British forces would falsify their documents by claiming their own “caste” to be a lineage of the great Magar tribe. “So many tribes nowadays claim to be Magars,” he wrote, “that to definitely settle which are, and which are not, entitled to the name, becomes a matter of great difficulty.”

Vansittart who claimed that only “Allea, Burathoki, Gharti, Pun, Rana, and Thapa” were real Magars said that the Bura Magars were actually a part of the Matwali Khas tribe of the East and not from the actual Magar tribe. However, this observation doesn’t hold much ground because Bura Magars are known to have always been speaking Kham Kura while the Matwali Khas speak Nepali.

Many scholars also believe that to claim to be a kin group of the Magars had always been desirable in the past. And this was not only because of the enticement of joining the British Army in the 19^th century. This practice was prevalent as early as the 10^th century when Mukunda Sen ruled beyond the western borders of Kathmandu. Mukunda Sen (though not himself a Magar), had hired various soldiers from the Magar tribe and provided position and prestige to the Magar surname. It is also believed that in addition to military prestige they also had a higher social status derived from massive wealth accumulation.

For centuries, members of the ancient Kham Magar tribe were left behind and largely forgotten, shielded from the outside world by the towering hills of the north-west Himalayan foothills of Rukum and Rolpa. The community, with a small population of about 40,000 people today, was able to preserve their unique language, religion, and lifestyle and subsequently, their distinctive identity. They also inhabit the upper tributaries of the Sano Bheri, Bari Gad, and Mari Khola on the southwestern flank of the Dhaulagiri massif.  The Kham-speaking Magar, though being from the Magar tribe, try to distinguish themselves from the Magars to the east of Rolpa.

The idea of a pristine self-sufficient location is central to the Kham Magar ideology, where the community, formed out of local lineages, lives as an exogamous unit. Kham Magars are divided into four northern Magar sub-tribes. Pun, Roka, Gharti, and Buda. In some places, there is also a sub-tribe (thar) called Jhakri. These Thars are further subdivided into named localized lineages, each of which has a common mythical ancestor or a commonplace of origin.

These localized lineages, rather than the thars, form the branches that control the system of kinship, inheritance, and marriages among the Magars. Marriages, then, are permitted within a thar but not within a localized lineage group. Because of the preference to marry within the local area, most of the lineages have Maiti and Bhanja relationships with all other lineages with the community.

While their Magar brethren, who live to the eastern hills of Gulmi and Palpa have succumbed to the influences of Hinduism and speak the Magar Dhut language, the Kham Magars have a very strong Shamanic tradition and speak the “Kham Dhut” language which is a distinct unintelligible Tibeto-Burman language. This language has no relation to the Kham dialect of the Tibetans spoken by the Khampas, a tribe in Kham, Tibet. The Kham Magars are also not related to the Khampas of Tibet. Kham Dhut also has three different dialects and has extreme intelligibility restrictions between them.

Kham Magars have a quintessentially pastoral lifestyle. The lands are used for farming and they maintain rather large flocks of sheep and goats. During the non-agricultural seasons and leisure time, which comes rarely, women engage in a variety of activities that are economically feasible. Their primary activities are processing wool and local fibers, making liquor, and raising pigs for sale. They spin and weave local wool for coats and blankets, which are used in the household, sold in the village, or sold during seasonal trips to the big cities of West Nepal. Besides processing wool, women also prepare Hemp and Puwa, which is a fiber made from giant nettle.

Being fiercely Shamanistic in their religious practices, the Kham Magars call their Shamans Ramma or Arma. It is highly probable that Ramma can be related to the “Ramma-Bya” which are words in the Tibetan language. Bya in Tibetan is “Hen” which explains the ceremonial headdress of the Kham Magar Shaman which is adorned with the feathers of the Jungle Fowl. Their religious inclination is based primarily on an animistic view of nature. They see nature represented by divine spirits which affect the physical world of men, their daily affairs, household, health, agriculture, and economy. Shamanistic inclination denotes that certain men are capable of entering into communication with these spirits and serve as functionaries between the physical and the spirit world.

It can be safely assumed that far from having escaped from the light of factual evidence or historical reconstruction, the concept of living within the physical and the spiritual is still very much alive. Such a view is very widespread, being found throughout the Himalayas and in many other parts of the world where Shamanism exists. The Kham-Magar tradition is a particular instance of this worldview or belief system; that it is part of an ancient shamanistic tradition that exhibits the history and structure of its own.

The Kham Magar idea of belonging and connection to the land is also reiterated by this same worldview. What binds a person to his land and territory is also described in Shamanic songs and narratives. In Kham Magar Shamanic traditions, the creation myth always stands along with a central location. This begins from the fireplace of the house where the ritual takes place. The narrative then pans out revealing more of the village as the viewpoint recedes. It talks about the house itself, the alleyways belonging to brothers, the outer portions of the village where local lineages are concentrated and keep panning out farther and farther.

While some might call the Magars fiercely Hinduized, Magar lifestyle, traditions and culture differ greatly from mainstream Hindu way of life. The Magars still celebrate indigenous tribal festivals that borders around nature or earth worship. These festivals are celebrated over homemade beer and dancing to the sound of drums. They revere nature spirits, and also make offerings and sacrifices during their festivals. However not much is known about the origins of the Magar people in the Himalayas. Various writers advocate different theories. The problem is that we do not find many clues or written history in the archives of ancient Nepal. Almost all ancient civilizations or cultures of Nepal have no recorded history and we have to entirely rely on speculations, folklore and logic, along with a few genealogies, to decipher or determine their origins.  

The Magar people are the indigenous inhabitants of the western Himalayas of Nepal, what is today known as the Gandaki region. Various scholars provide anthropological explanations to determine the originality of the Magar people. One of the earliest credible sources of information regarding the Magar people is the copper-plate inscription of Shivadeva which is dated 1110 CE which has a mention of  Mangavara Vishaya. Here, Mangavara seems to hint at the original term for Magar or Mangar (as they are known in the hills of Darjeeling and Sikkim). The inscription, thus, highlights that to the west and south of Dhaulagiri, it was the Magar people who resided or ruled this land. The fact that the Magars inhabited in a large part of the western Dhaulagiri is not a revelation. What is known today as Bara Magarat or the Twelve Magarat Kingdoms can be identified as Gulmi, Isma, Rising, Dhor, Khanchi, Garhu, Bhirkot, Argha, Panyu,  Ghiring, Satahu and Musikot. Many of the places in these regions have Magar names. Towns like Tansen and Rivers like Marshyandi, Daraundi are all names of Magar origin.

Scholars like Balkrishna Pokharel are of the opinion that the Magars first entered the Nepal Himalayas in 2300 B.C and they did so from five directions. Dharma Prasad Shrees, in his book Magarati Sanskriti (Eitahasik Pristhabhumi) concurs with the theory. He claims that the Magars arrived in Nepal in five distinct groups through different boundaries of Nepal.  He goes on to say that the five waves of Magar migration began with the advent of Magars in the Mahar valley of India. The second migration happened around the Rapti and Narayani Rivers. The third came from the North and settled into the Mustang regions and around Dolpa, Mustang, Myagdi, Parbat, Baglung, Pyuthan and Rukum. The fourth went to Nepal from Sikkim and the fifth group settled in the Indian Gangetic plains.

Jiro Kawakita in his book,  Himalayan Habitat and Culture Change among the Magars – Some Hypothetical Views says that Magars are a Mongoloid race who mainly migrated from North to South and initially settled in low hill area near Terai, Butwal and Palpa. Due to close contact with Indian culture, they lost the Buddhist characterstics and attracted towards Hinduism. They are distributed to western and eastern Nepal after attack of Rajputs. Despite of these diversities about the origin stories of Magar, most scholars belive that the Magars are the traditional inhabitants of the region from Gandaki to the Rapti areas.

According to Dr. Budhamagar, the Magars entered Nepal through the Mustang valley in 1500 B.C. From there, they entered Myagdi, Parvat, Baglung, Pyuthan, Rolpa and Northern Rukum and settled there. This theory that the Magars came to Nepal from the North has been concurred by Imansingh Chemjong and Khildhoj Thapa. Khildhoj Thapa also adds that the Magars, who were originally animists had migrated to Nepal much before there were any consolidated kingdoms in the Himalayas. Some history writers have made a different claim in their books. In his book Gurkhas: the story of the Gurkhas of Nepal country, Francies Tuker writes that the Magars actually came from the South. They entered Nepal from Chittorgarh in India who king was Rishi Rana.

Michael Oppitz, who made an incredible four hour documentary on Kham Magars, called Shamans of the Blind Country writes in his book, The Wild Boar and the Plough: Origin Stories of the Northern Magars that there are three variations to the story of Magar origins. They are:

1. The Vamshali of Budha and Hukam
2. The Vamshali of the Gharti from Taka
3. The Oral Origin Story of the Gharti

The common concept of the three versions, though narrated differently told talks about the origin of the first ancestors, their first alliances, later migration movements into their contemporary homeland and the origins of agriculture and of hunting. All three versions state that the first common ancestors emerged from a dwelling place of the Gods, a cave under an overhanding rock, located rouchly to the north of the ridge that divides the Uttar Ganga and the Pelma Khola valleys. The first two versions say that the place of origin is a place called Pimachare. The narrative tells us that the Magars, of those belonging to the Gharti, Pun and Budha tribes do not trace their origin of ancestry to some foreign land. They talk about the story of the creation and origin relating to place where they live today.

The Magar story of origin also mentions the clan divisions between the Baara (Twelve) Panthi and the Atharah (Eighteen) Panthi. The folk myth that speaks of division occurring between different brothers to form broad patrilineal clan structure can be taken into account. Here, we can notice that the Bara panthi magars are found in Gandaki and Lumbini zones. The language they speak is called Magarati language. The Atharapanthi Magars are found in Midwestern region Rolpa, Rukum, Salyan and Pyuthan.

There are many claims, narratives, writings and theories about the origin of the Magar people. However many of them seem merely speculations rather than being based on solid empirical evidence. I believe that more research must be done in order to come to a proper unanimous conclusion about the origin of the Magar people. We can decipher that by DNA mapping, language root and family, original culture and traditions, folklore and oral narratives among other ways.

The fact that Magars are essentially nature worshippers can be derived from their social customs and rituals. Over the many centuries many Magars are known to have accepted both Hindu and Buddhist philosophies but Magars are quintessentially Nature worshippers. Magars worship Semya, Bhumya, Sirung, Sedeni and Banajhakri.

Many rituals that relate to nature worship, such as offering raw eggs or chickens, worshipping stone idols, hoisting religious banners, offering milk, rice grains and turmeric, making offerings on hill tops, using Shamans to ward off evil spirits, offering prayers for safe keeping from lightning and thunder, praying for the rain, can be found in Magar rituals. For the Magars, a year consists of only two seasons. The ascending season (Ubhauli) March to June and the descending season August-February (Udhauli).

According to Magar myth and folklore, there were two brothers. Syopa and Gorpa. Syopa was the manifestation of nature and Gorpa was a human. When it came to dividing their inheritance, Gorpa asked Syopa to leave the farmlands, houses and civilization and go to live in the forests. And so man distanced himself from nature but they couldn’t stay apart for long and each still became dependent on each other.

In the ancient times, the Magars would eat Yam. When the age of agriculture dawned, the Magars realized that all cultivated crops needed to be saved from landslides, floods and droughts. They started offering new crops to nature and celebrated the day in prayer and rejoicing with merriment and dancing. To make nature happy, they would also offer animals in the form of sacrifice to nature. This led the way to the ritual of Bhumye or Earth worship. In many regions, the Magars started this custom during the sowing season and at others, they did so during the harvesting season. But today the first day of the month of Shrawan is the universally accepted date for this ritual.

The last King of the Atharah (18) Magarat region, Darya Jaitam had seen a devastating flood in the monsoon when his entire fortress had been swept away and he issued a decree to start a ritualistic festival in lieu of a Lunar Calendar where young men and women (Dhapa – Dhami) would sing, dance and pray for rid the world from disasters, famine and disease. The ritualistic festival of Bhumya has many names in different Magar inhabited regions.  Some call it Bhumya while some called it Bal Puja or Nokowang/Rangkya Tihar. It may also be called Chokhe parva or Dhodla-Dhodli puja. The purpose of this worship ritual is to pray for abundance and for the elimination of negative energies around one’s birthplace and where one might survive, stay, flourish and thrive.

A month before the actual date of the worship ritual, the festival commences and one can hear people cleaning up their music instruments, practicing and playing it and young men and women gathering in groups to prepare for traditional dances.  A makeshift shrine is made for the ritual where are stone idol is placed. The shrine is made using rice straw and a wicker basket which olds ritualistic items are placed near the shrine. All the village farmers bring in the new crops along with offerings of money to be put across the shrine as a mark of respect and gratitude for a good harvest and abundance. The sacrificial animal is taken around the village and shown to all the residents. Its body is marked with ashes and purified with rice grains as it is circled around every house in the village. After the formal ritual worship ends, all the people get together for “Syai” which is ritualistic, festival dance of the Magar people.