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Author: Pradeep Rai

Pradeep Rai is a writer and researcher studying the ethnic culture and history of the Himalayan Tribes.

The Quiet Awakening of Identity

Back in 2014, when I first offered my time to an organization dedicated to preserving the cultural traditions of the Kirati Khambu Rai in Darjeeling, I stepped into a world I had always carried with me, yet scarcely understood. I knew the names of our ancestors, the patterns of our migrations, the outline of our history, but not the cadence of the traditions that bound spirit to soil. I could fumble through Chamling sentences and recognize the offerings of Samkhalung during Chhowa. But the deeper aspects of my culture, the meanings behind the Mundhum, the sacred logic of the rituals, the worldview etched in symbolic actions and inherited ways of life, remained elusive.

For years I had lived comfortably within the architecture of modern life, working in a firm that developed web applications, surrounded by the glowing screens of another world. I wore Western clothes, watched American shows, thought in English, but never once doubted the fact that I was Kirati. It was a knowledge I did not question, though I rarely turned toward it. It was only through years of listening, recording, and slowly learning to see as my elders see that something shifted. The distant became intimate. The inherited became deliberate. Sure, I had always identified as Kirati Khambu, but had I truly understood what that meant? Had I, even then, possessed ethnic consciousness?

Ethnic consciousness is the lived awareness of belonging to a distinct cultural group, marked by inherited identity and a reflective understanding of its meaning, boundaries, and significance in relation to the wider world. As Fredrik Barth observed in his influential introduction to Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organization of Culture Difference (1969), what defines an ethnic group is not the cultural content itself but the boundaries that are maintained between groups. This kind of self-awareness does not always emerge organically. It often surfaces in moments of tension, contact or marginalization. It is when a community begins to recognize its own patterns, beliefs and ways of life as markers of identity rather than just inherited customs that culture becomes conscious. This shift from living culture to self-aware identity is subtle but transformative. It turns tradition into a basis for collective strength, advocacy and survival in a world that demands clear definitions.

Here, it is crucial to understand what ethnicity truly means. It should not be mistaken for far-right notions of ethnicism, tribalism, or racial superiority. Ethnicity is a lived experience of belonging to a people defined by their unique customs, languages, and ways of relating to the world. It is the emotional and cultural attachment to traditions passed down and practiced daily. For elders and cultural stewards, the quiet erosion of this inheritance is a deep and silent wound. For the young, drawn by the pull of cities and the promise of new opportunities, such detachment may feel like freedom. Yet every language forgotten, every rite left unperformed, risks severing a vital thread in the vast tapestry of human possibility.

Ethnic consciousness often intensifies when a culture is under threat. This is a familiar pattern among indigenous peoples worldwide. As John and Jean Comaroff explain in Ethnicity, Inc., communities frequently turn to their ethnic identity as a means of reclaiming visibility and asserting agency when faced with marginalization or cultural loss. In the Darjeeling region and its surroundings, this is evident among communities near Bagdogra and Salugada. There, Kirati organizations and other tribal groups in the Duars have been actively engaged in reviving their ancestral traditions, organizing large annual festivals, and renewing their focus on language and cultural preservation with growing success.

In my experience, exclusion often plants the first seed of ethnic consciousness. When communities are overlooked by institutions, denied access to basic facilities, or left out of larger conversations, something shifts. People begin to turn inward, for survival, and to remember. Slowly, this inward turn can grow into a movement. I’ve seen it happen, where neglected languages are spoken again with care, where long-forgotten festivals are revived. These acts are quiet affirmations. Through every ritual performed, through every endangered word uttered, there’s a message being sent: We are still here.

But exclusion isn’t the only path to awareness. Sometimes it begins in far gentler ways. I’ve watched people become conscious of their roots simply by being part of a cultural organization. In spaces where shared memory is honored, a kind of camaraderie forms that nudges people to look deeper into themselves. Some join out of curiosity, others because they carry a pride in ancient ancestry. And then there are those who seem unsure at first. They may not know the rites, may not speak the language fluently, but carry a quiet, generational awareness. Over time, with every story shared, every ritual observed, they begin to see more clearly. Their journey inward doesn’t come all at once, but gradually, as they begin to understand that their identity has always been there, waiting, just beneath the surface.

At the same time, migration, urbanization, and tourism have created new conditions for reflection. When individuals leave their ancestral lands for cities or foreign countries, they often find themselves re-evaluating what it means to belong. Culture, once taken for granted, becomes a thread of memory and longing. Interestingly, tourism plays a dual role in this process. While it sometimes risks flattening culture into spectacle, it also pushes communities to examine and articulate their traditions with renewed clarity. And perhaps most crucially, cultural transmission, serves as the foundation of ethnic awareness.

Ethnicity today is often spoken of as if it were fixed and self-evident, but as scholars like Jean and John Comaroff argue, it is anything but static. Rather than a single, solid identity, ethnicity is better understood as a living process. It is a set of shared signs, languages, customs, and sentiments through which people come to recognize themselves and one another. Its meaning changes depending on history, politics, and experience.

Among the Kirati communities of the Himalayas, for instance, ethnicity is attached to oral traditions, agricultural rituals, sacred landscapes, and kinship patterns but it is also shaped by the pressures and incentives of the modern state. With the promise of recognition, representation, or access to Scheduled Tribe benefits, some individuals begin to express their ethnic identity more visibly in public, even if those same traditions are fading at home. In such cases, ethnic performance may appear strategic, but it still reflects the larger reality that identity is now being negotiated in a world where visibility matters. As modernization and state narratives press in, this once quiet identity must become conscious and, at times, even performative.

But is this really ethnic consciousness? If identity is displayed only for political recognition or material gain, can it still be called awareness in the deeper sense? This question lingers in many corners of our community, and I’ve often found myself asking it quietly when I see festival costumes worn like uniforms, or rituals performed without memory. When culture is practiced only in the open, but forgotten at home, it risks becoming a performance for the gaze of others, whether governments, researchers, or tourists.

And yet, even strategic displays can carry the seeds of something more meaningful at least among some individuals. Sometimes, performance precedes belief. A young person who joins a festival ritual out of obligation may still be moved by something glorious within it. A checkbox on a form may lead someone to ask, “What does this actually mean?”. While wearing a traditional attire, one might feel a sense of pride. Therefore, while ethnic consciousness may begin in the political, but for it to truly take root, it must become personal. Something to be experienced, remembered, lived, and slowly carried inward.

Over the years, I’ve met many such individuals who first wore their identity for convenience or recognition, but later found themselves asking profound questions. What begins as a borrowed ritual or an attendance can easily turn into an inward journey. Some start picking up books on culture and history, flipping through old photographs, or listening to the elders they once ignored. I’ve also seen people who barely spoke their mother tongue begin to search for its words again. In time, the costume becomes a memory, and the memory becomes meaning. Ethnic consciousness is not always inherited in full. Sometimes it is rediscovered, piece by piece, story by story, until what was once external becomes internal.

So, did I truly have ethnic consciousness back then, when I first began volunteering in 2014? Perhaps not in its full form. I had fragments, memories, names, rituals heard in passing, a sense of belonging that was more intuitive than articulated. What I carried might be better described as latent awareness, a quiet certainty that I was part of something older, though I hadn’t yet turned to face it fully. Over the years, through listening, reading, asking, and sometimes simply being present, that awareness grew. It matured into something more deliberate, and reflective.

But this consciousness has not come without its complications. At times, it has slowed me down and led me to question the paths I might have taken more easily if I had chosen to forget. At other times, it has grounded me. In a world that urges constant reinvention, it offers continuity. In the noise of modern life, it gives coherence. I live fully in the modern world. I embrace technology, learning, and new ways of seeing. I value inquiry, skepticism, and the pursuit of truth. These shape my thinking. My identity as a Khambu moves alongside these values. I live with both. I think with both. I carry both. This awareness has brought clarity to my perspectives. It has shown me that identity forms through engagement, memory, and lived experience. And that to move meaningfully in this world, one must first know where their feet are standing.

The Drum of the Tiger

In the beginning, when the world was still new and the sky was close to the earth, there lived a woman named Tigenjungna. She was not an ordinary woman. She had no husband, no people, and no village. Created by the divine will of Tagera Ningmaphuwa, the supreme creator, her presence was part of the cosmic balance, and her body carried the mystery of life.

In time, Tigenjungna gave birth to twins, though no man had ever touched her. The divine had planted life in her womb. One child was born a tiger, fierce and wild. He was named Kesami. The other was born a human, alert and wise. He was called Namsami.

They came from the same womb, drank the same milk, and slept beneath the same sky. Yet one belonged to the forest, and the other to the fire. Both had vastly different personalities.

In the early days, they were never apart. Whether resting in the shadows or wandering through the wilderness, the tiger and the man-child shared their world with no quarrel. But time ripens all things. As they grew, their paths began to split.

Namsami learned to hunt with a slingshot. He chased birds, climbed trees, and made fires. Kesami hunted frogs, beetles, lizards, and later, larger beasts. His eyes gleamed in the dark, and his silence was heavy.

One evening, Namsami spoke softly,  “Brother, why do you eat such creatures? There are other ways. We can hunt together, and eat clean food.”

But Kesami growled in reply, “Not only will I eat them. One day, I’ll eat you.”

From that moment, they were no longer just brothers. They became hunter and hunted.

Namsami fled, wandering deeper into the forests, always hiding, never sleeping soundly. All he wanted to do was survive. And behind him, Kesami stalked, his hunger growing. He no longer saw his twin. He saw meat.

Tigenjungna, the mother of both, wept in silence. Her body had birthed them both, and yet, they now walked different worlds. She hid Namsami when she could. He hid him in ravines, on ridges, beneath thick leaves. Whenever Kesami came roaring, she deceived him.

“He’s up in the high hills,” she’d say. “He’s down by the stream,” she’d whisper.

But lies wear down even the strongest tongue. One day, Kesami turned on his own mother, his jaws dripping.

“You’ve lied to me long enough. Tell me where he is or I’ll tear you apart.”

That night, Tigenjungna called Namsami and said, “I cannot lie anymore. My mouth is dry, and my heart is cracking. Listen, my son, go to the ravine. Take your bow and arrows. Climb the tallest Simal (Silk cotton) tree. Hide on the ninth branch. If your brother comes, I will send him there. If I do not, he will devour me.”

Before he left, she planted two flowers in front of her dwelling, upon two dried bottle gourds. Babari (Wild Basil), for Kesami, and Sillari (Cow Parsley), for Namsami. And she prayed, “If the Babari wilts, I will know the tiger is dead. If the Sillari fades, I will know the human is gone.” Then she sat before the flowers, spinning thread and whispering wind-prayers.

Down in the ravine, Namsami waited. The sun passed, the shadows deepened, and then came the sound of leaves rustling. Kesami had found him.

The tiger looked up at the tree and snarled. “So here you are. No more hiding today.”

He began to climb, his claws scratching the bark.

At home, the Sillari flower bent, its petals heavy. Tigenjungna wept, her hands frozen in mid-spin.

Namsami aimed his arrows. Once, missed. Twice, missed. Three, four, missed again. Only one arrow remained. Kesami was almost at the top.

Namsami whispered, “Brother, I begged you to live in peace. But you chose the path of hunger. If you must eat me, don’t make me suffer. Close your eyes, open your mouth. I will jump in myself.”

The tiger paused. Then, with a satisfied grunt, he closed his glowing eyes and opened his jaws wide.

Namsami did not jump. He drew the last arrow, took aim, and released it. The arrow flew into Kesami’s mouth and pierced straight through, exiting from beneath his tail. With a great roar, Kesami fell, breaking branches as he crashed to the earth.

At home, the Babari flower shriveled. Tigenjungna knew. Still, Namsami waited in the tree. He saw flies buzzing over the body. One green fly entered Kesami’s mouth and came out the other end, passing under Namsami’s nose with a stench of death. Only then did he descend. He stood before his brother’s lifeless body. His eyes brimmed with tears.

“We came from the same place,” he whispered. “But your path was your own.”

He took the tiger’s hide and shaped it into a drum, the Chyabrung. With each beat, it roared like Kesami had once roared. It was not made for celebration. It was made for remembrance.

Today, the Limbu Chyabrung drum still echoes through the mountains, through the homes of the Limbu people. When the Chyabrung speaks, it tells the tale of the first tiger and the first man, born from the same mother, children of nature, fated to walk separate paths.

Magar Weddings: Rituals of Kinship and Social Balance

The Magar marriage system serves as a central institution within Magar society, reflecting both enduring rituals and diachronic transformations shaped by shifting social and cultural contexts. Marital practices such as cross-cousin marriage and clan-based exogamic taboos articulate cultural norms that shape kinship ties and uphold the social boundaries of the Magar community. In traditional Magar culture, marriage is a public, ancestral, and communal institution instead of a mere dyadic romantic union. These practices underscore the collective nature of marriage, positioning it as a mechanism for social reproduction and cultural continuity across generations. In this way, marriage among the Magars operates as both a form of negotiation and reinforcement of identity, integrating individual choice within broader communal imperatives.

Historically, cross-cousin marriage lay at the heart of Magar matrimonial alliances. A preferred pattern involved a man marrying his mamacheli, the daughter of his maternal uncle. This union was a practical arrangement and a culturally sanctioned ideal that reaffirmed long-standing ties between wife-giving (Maiti) and wife-receiving (Kutumba) lineages. If the preferred mamacheli was unavailable, a younger girl from the same maternal line could still be considered. Such relationships were encouraged from a young age, often expressed through playful teasing and familiarity, which functioned as a culturally recognized courtship dynamic. In sharp contrast, marriage with a phupucheli, the daughter of one’s paternal aunt, was strictly prohibited. This distinction underscores a deep moral architecture within Magar kinship, where certain forms of closeness are celebrated and others considered transgressive. Moreover, reciprocal marriage between the same two lineages across generations, where a wife-giving clan becomes a wife-receiving one, is regarded as a violation of social balance, tantamount to incest within Magar ethical reasoning.

As society changed, so too did the forms of marriage. New ideas brought through education, migration, and state influence softened older certainties. Yet even with evolving practices, the underlying principles of lineage continuity and clan exogamy remain central. A marriage in Magar culture and tradition is as much a ritual transaction between families as it is a personal choice. It links households, affirms social responsibilities, and reestablishes relationships between clans. Ritual acts such as offerings, blessings, and assigned roles during ceremonies reflect a worldview in which personal unions are deeply embedded in collective identity.

Traditionally animist and later shaped by Hindu and Buddhist syncretism, Magar society maintains strict rules of clan exogamy. Marriages are prohibited within the same thar (clan), a rule intended to ensure genetic diversity and uphold ancestral boundaries. Kinship is both genealogical and spiritual realities. In the Kham Magar regions of the Atharah Magarat, shamans known as Ramma are regularly consulted before a marriage takes place. Their role is to sense spiritual disturbances, interpret ancestral signs, and ensure that the union aligns with unseen forces. Within this worldview, marriage carries meaning that extends beyond the material or personal. It forms a bridge between generations, links the household to the realm of spirits, and affirms the individual’s place within the larger social and cosmological order.

Among the Magars, marriage functions as more than a personal union between two people; it acts as a reaffirmation of social order, lineage continuity, and ancestral connections. Arranged marriage, known as Lagañya, stands as the most widely accepted and ritually endorsed form. Elders take the lead in these unions, relying on memory, clan ties, and perceived compatibility to negotiate the match. Engagements include exchanging symbolic offerings such as locally brewed alcohol, betel nut, and livestock, followed by rituals that unite two individuals as well as their kin groups. These alliances are carefully crafted, respecting rules of clan exogamy and reinforcing established social boundaries.

Elopement or love marriage (Odañya), represents a shift in generational attitudes. Couples who elope without prior approval often return later to seek ritual recognition and family reconciliation. Although once viewed as transgressive, these unions have gained increasing acceptance, especially in areas influenced by education and urban lifestyles that emphasize autonomy and love. Still, the reconciliation process remains vital. It involves offerings, dialogue, and the construction of a new consensus founded on retrospective acknowledgment of the couple’s decision rather than prearranged negotiations.

Additional forms of union add complexity to the marriage system. Capture marriage, referred to as Jari Biha in Nepali, and levirate marriage, Bhauju Biha, were once part of the social fabric but now mostly survive as remnants of earlier times. Jari involved taking a woman, sometimes with consent, sometimes without, accompanied by ritual compensation to her natal family. Levirate marriage involved a younger brother marrying the widow of his elder sibling, ensuring economic continuity and preserving kinship roles. These practices, though still present in some isolated areas, now occupy marginal positions in Magar ritual life and lack the formal recognition accorded to Lagañya or Odañya.

While native terms exist for arranged and elopement marriages, others often lack indigenous labels. This absence has led some to question whether practices like jari, levirate, or symbolic cohabitation are originally Magar or borrowed from dominant cultures over time. However, such views risk ignoring the realities of cultural change. In oral societies, language loss and assimilation are common, and the absence of specific terms does not mean practices have vanished. Instead, customs are lived through daily habits rather than always being explicitly named.

In areas such as the Barah Magarat, where Nepali has replaced Dhut in everyday speech, many native expressions have faded even as the social structures they described endure. Although Jari Biha is a Nepali term, the practice of restitution in disrupted marriages reflects Magar values of balance, reciprocity, and social healing. Authenticity here depends less on linguistic purity and more on whether the underlying values and relational principles continue to embody a distinctly Magar worldview.

In Magar marriage rituals, symbolic actions and material offerings are central to affirming social relationships, ancestral blessings, and communal legitimacy. Alcohol, particularly Lee (Jaad or Rice Beer) and Mudd (Raksi or Traditional distilled spirit), serves a dual role as both a celebratory drink and a ritual object imbued with cultural significance. During matrimonial negotiations, the exchange and consumption of alcohol carry layered meanings. For example, when a marriage proposal is presented, the groom’s family offers alcohol in a wooden container called Koriya to the bride’s family. The acceptance of this offering signals agreement to the union, while refusal requires the return of any initial gifts (often doubled) in a practice known as Sahi. Certain types of alcohol hold specific ceremonial importance; a three-day fermented rice beer, Jahman, is traditionally given to wedding guests and the groom’s party as a symbolic blessing before their departure. Across many regions, especially in western Nepal, alcohol is the preferred medium for hospitality and ritual purity, at times taking precedence over other customary offerings such as yogurt or curd.

Symbolism in Magar marriage extends beyond material offerings to include spatial arrangements and ritual performances. In the bride’s natal home, she is accorded a position of honor, seated to the right and receiving the Tika, a ritual blessing made with rice grains applied to the forehead, before the groom. This order is deliberately reversed after marriage, signifying her incorporation into her husband’s lineage and the resulting shift in kinship hierarchy. In cases of elopement, reconciliation rituals known as Sodhni require both bride and groom to present jars of alcohol to the bride’s family, affirming mutual consent and restoring family relationships. Collectively, these ritual elements sustain the Magar marriage system’s connection to ancestral cosmology, weaving together domestic life, community values, and spiritual order.

Marriage rituals are elaborate affairs among the Magars, functioning as structured processes of kinship affirmation and social legitimacy. From the outset, the role of the Lami (marriage intermediary) is vital. The Lami, often a maternal uncle (Mama) or a sister’s husband (Jwaaichela), delivers the marriage proposal along with Sagun, a symbolic offering comprising items like Raksi (distilled alcohol), Tarul (yam), honey, and money. Acceptance of the Sagun signifies consent to the union, while refusal halts proceedings. In many regions of Central-West Nepal, only an odd-numbered group of male relatives accompanies the proposal, and the offering is reciprocated by the bride’s family through a second set of Sagun, thus formalizing the engagement in a reciprocal framework.

The ritual of bringing the bride to the groom’s home (behuli bhitraune) is central to the marriage process and is marked by spatial and symbolic rites. Before entering the house, the bride sets down a water-filled Amkhora (brass jug) at the threshold, symbolizing purification and auspicious entry. A rooster is sacrificed near the doorway as an offering to ancestral spirits and for spiritual safeguarding. The bride carries the jug inside and pours a few drops onto her mouth, marking her acceptance into the new household. In some areas, Chamal Tika, made of Dahi (curd) and Chamal (rice grains) is applied to the foreheads of both bride and groom by elder kin, beginning with the bride. This reversal of ritual order before and after marriage signifies the transition from natal to affinal kinship, and the shifting roles and status the bride undergoes. The application of tika, tying of Dubo-Paati (sacred wheatgrass and leaves), and collective feasting all contribute to affirming the union within the wider social and spiritual order.

In cases of elopement (Odañya), reconciliation rituals such as Sodhni serve to reintegrate the couple into normative kinship structures. Within three days of elopement, the groom’s party is expected to bring Raksi (distilled alcohol), Roti (traditional bread), and Jaaḍ (rice beer) to the bride’s family to seek retroactive approval. Failure to do so invites social sanction. The ritual offering signals accountability, respect for lineage, and the mending of relational ruptures. A further ritual, Chorkorya, involves delivering the right foreleg of a previously sacrificed goat or buffalo, kept aside during the behuli bhitraune, as a token of symbolic completion of the marriage process. This act serves as a restitution and also as an embodied communication of ritual closure and reparation.

The final phase, Janti jaane (bridal procession), represents the public legitimization of the marriage and involves exchange, gifting, and symbolic hospitality. On the day appointed by the bride’s family, the groom’s party arrives with ceremonial gifts, called Danda or compensation: a minimum of five containers of raksi, hundreds of Roti, live animals, and women’s traditional garments. These offerings are meant to reduce the economic burden of the bride’s family and to honor reciprocal ties. During this event, relatives perform reciprocal Dhogbheṭ (gestural greetings), and elders introduce the bridegroom to the extended kin. The wedding concludes with a communal feast and singing, often lasting up to three days.

Magar culture considers marriage functions a calibrated system of ritual acts to shape and stabilize shifting kinship ties. These rituals, while diverse across regions and responsive to social change, continue to serve as vital expressions of communal identity, ancestral reverence, and relational ethics. Each gesture carries a symbolic weight that extends far beyond its surface form. These acts do not operate in isolation but are woven into a broader ritual grammar through which households, lineages, and ancestral obligations are continuously aligned.

Even as external influences reshape certain customs, the underlying principles of reciprocity, clan respect, and ritual coherence persist, anchoring marriage as both a cultural continuity and a living tradition. Through this process, the institution of marriage emerges as a dynamic field where memory, belonging, and cosmology are enacted and renewed.

Beyond Silence: Exploring the Mysterious Kusule

In Darjeeling and Sikkim, one can rarely find a person who hasn’t seen a figure cloaked in intricate headgear, adorned with Rudraksha beads, deftly playing the hourglass-shaped drum (Damaru). Emerging from obscurity, he would vanish as mysteriously as he appeared, after having received alms. As children, his presence and attire both fascinated and unnerved us, stirring our imaginations. Known to our parents simply as “Kusule,” he upheld an unwavering vow of silence, shrouding himself in an aura of mystique that left us longing for answers that we never found.

The Kusule, also known as Kusle, Kusulya, Jugi, or Kapaali, are ritual specialists who occupy a unique and often marginal position within the stratified social hierarchy of the Newar community in the Kathmandu Valley. Traditionally ascetic, they follow a path of renunciation that places them at the edges of social life, yet their spiritual role grants them a distinctive authority. This combination of marginality and influence reflects the complex ways in which Newar society negotiates boundaries between the sacred and the social.

Newar social structure is characterized by a finely layered caste system, intensely influenced by both Hindu and Buddhist cosmologies. Within this intricate framework, the Kusule occupy a distinctive niche. They serve as ritual musicians and ceremonial functionaries, particularly in rites associated with death, spirit possession, and purification. Their ritual authority derives in part from their perceived proximity to the liminal: the threshold spaces between life and death, purity and pollution, revered and profane.

Their practices and iconography reveal historical affinities with heterodox sects such as the Kapalika and Gorakhnathi, esoteric traditions known for their austere, tantric disciplines that transgress normative religious boundaries. Yet, the Kusule remain firmly situated within the ritual economy of the Newar world. Far from being outsiders, they are an enduring part of a religious system that embraces both conformity and defiance in its ceremonial practices.

The name Kusle derives from Kus grass (Desmostachya bipinnata), a sacred plant regularly used in South Asian ritual traditions. This simple blade of grass carries powerful symbolic weight, linked to creation myths and purification rites. Additionally, Newar folklore traces the Kusule lineage to Kusalnath, one of the twelve disciples of the tantric master Gorakhnath, connecting the name to an ancient yogic tradition. Another story recounts how a Kapaali ascetic earned the title Kusle by being the swiftest to bring Kus grass to King Sthiti Malla, thereby establishing the name as an honorific within ritual circles. Thus, the term Kusule embodies both botanical symbolism and a historical lineage deeply rooted in ascetic and tantric traditions.

Kus grass (Desmostachya bipinnata)

Inscriptions and historical texts from the Kathmandu Valley offer a window into the early presence and ritual importance of the Kusle-Kapaali within Newar society. As early as the 14th century, records point to figures closely aligned with Nath traditions (a Shaiva tantric yogic tradition rooted in asceticism and Hatha Yoga). An inscription from Itum Baha in 1382 mentions a minister devoted to Gorakhnath, while a 1390 record from Pharping documents the installation of Gorakhnath’s footprints by a yogi named Achintyanath, providing evidence of a spiritual landscape shaped by ascetic lineages. By the mid-15th century, inscriptions at the Kasthamandap shrine refer to ritual practitioners called Darsandhari, an early designation for the Kusle, who performed Chakrapuja, a complex tantric offering rite. These accounts suggest that the Kusle were once central figures in the Valley’s religious life, occupying sacred spaces where esoteric knowledge and public ritual converged.

Legal and social classifications in later periods reveal how the Kusle’s status shifted over time. The 1853 Muluki Ain, Nepal’s legal code under the Shah dynasty, lists the Kusalya among castes assigned to ritually impure roles, essential, yet socially marginalized. Earlier references by scholars and travelers, including D.R. Regmi and Francis Hamilton, describe communities known as Kusulay, Darsandhari, or Kasulia, serving as musicians, mendicants, and temple assistants. Their ritual authority, once affirmed through public ceremonies and temple affiliations, gradually diminished as royal patronage favored other ascetic orders, particularly the Kanphata (Kaan Chireko) Jogis. Yet the textual and epigraphic record preserves the imprint of their legacy as a social group rooted in Tantric traditions, once entrusted with navigating the spiritual boundaries of death, impurity, and transformation.

In contemporary practice, the Kusle occupy a pivotal role within the ritual landscape of the Newar community, primarily engaging in rites associated with death, purification, and spirit appeasement. As ritual specialists in mortuary practices, they oversee the preparation of corpses for cremation, conduct transitional ceremonies that facilitate the safe passage of the soul, and enact protective rites aimed at shielding both the deceased and the living from spiritual disturbance. These performances draw upon a repertoire of symbolic gestures and embodied knowledge rooted in Tantric cosmology, particularly those concerned with the containment of liminal energies and the pacification of potentially disruptive forces or ‘energies’. Positioned at the interstices of life and death, purity and danger, the Kusle serve as ritual mediators, navigating thresholds where the social order is most vulnerable to rupture.

A distinctive ritual unique to the Kusle involves a family member who, during the four winter months, from Bala Chaturdasi (mid-Mangsir) to Bikram Samvat New Year’s Eve (Chait), dons the appearance of Shiva. Covered in ashes, adorned with the Tripundra (three horizontal lines) on the forehead, wearing a diadem symbolizing the divine mothers, and necklaces of Rudraksha beads and human bones, a Kusle walks through the city streets at dawn carrying a hour-glass (damaru) drum. This procession is meant to expel harmful forces and purify the community, reinforcing their connection to Shiva and their role as powerful exorcists. Silence during these ceremonies further emphasizes their intimate relationship with the “dark” forces, serving as a ritual bridge that controls malevolent spirits without spoken words.

Kusle Burial Site in Kaldhara, Kathmandu

Among the Kusle, death rituals are shaped by a distinctive Tantric Shaiva worldview. Unlike other Newar castes that practice cremation, the Kusle perform inhumation, placing the deceased in Padmasana (seated meditation posture) facing north, toward Mount Kailasha, the mythic abode of Shiva. The ritual is conducted by a Kusle guru, who recites the mantra of Gorakhnath and performs Mṛitadikṣa, a post-death initiation meant to guide the soul, especially for those who died uninitiated. The burial mound is shaped as a Linga (sacred Shiva symbol), and ritual offerings are placed at four points: Kaagbali (for the crow), Pretbali (for the wandering soul), Svanbali (for the dog), and one for Gorakhnath himself. In the days that follow, the family performs Laapuja, a series of offerings involving water, rice, yogurt, vermillion, sesame, and flowers—first to Gorakhnath and then to the others. Through these rites, the Preta (the restless spirit of the recently deceased) is ritually transformed into a Pitr (an ancestral spirit acknowledged and venerated by the living).

Initiation into the Kusle tradition reflects these same liminal values. The process is led by a guru and includes the transmission of Gorakhnath’s mantra, an anointing with Panchagavya (five cow derivatives) a, and a symbolic Karnavedha: a ritual ear-piercing that gestures toward their ancestral link to the Kaanphata Jogis, though the ear is not actually split. The initiate is marked with ash and the sacred syllable Aum, and then enacts a symbolic journey to Varanasi, walking a path made of flour, cloves, and leaves laid out by the guru. This performance stands in for physical renunciation, signaling inner transformation within a household setting. Daily worship continues through a modest attic shrine to Gorakhnath, where offerings are made and roti (ritual bread) is prepared weekly. The Kusle’s ritual life, deeply embedded in Tantric practice yet adapted to Newar caste society, preserves a vision of sacred duty centered ritual mastery of its boundaries without impeding social perimeters.

Gorakhnath

In their social life, the Kusle occupy a distinctive position within Newar society as ritual musicians, traditionally responsible for playing sacred instruments during death rites and other ceremonies involving ritually impure forces. In the context of funerary practices, their music transcends mere performance; it becomes a medium of spiritual transformation, guiding the soul of the deceased while purifying the environment for the living. Their expertise in navigating the symbolic weight of death through sound marks the Kusle as custodians of a liminal domain where the sacred and the unclean converge.

Yet despite their indispensable ritual function, the Kusle remain socially marginalized. Their constant engagement with death and impurity, while vital to communal order, assigns them a low-caste status within the Newar caste hierarchy, subjecting them to social stigma that restricts both mobility and economic opportunity. In response to these constraints, many have adopted tailoring as a supplementary occupation which has become an adaptive strategy that complements their ritual role while providing a modest livelihood. This quiet fusion of sacred duty and secular labor reflects a resilient navigation of a world that relies on their presence yet offers limited recognition in return.

Many people confuse the Kusle with the Kaanphata Jogis, but the two are markedly different in both lifestyle and social integration. While the Kusle are linked to the Nath tradition and share certain symbolic and ritual features with the “split-eared” Jogis, such as associations with Shivaite tantra and practices around death, their paths diverge in significant ways. The Kaanphata Jogis live lives of strict asceticism, distinguished by physical signs of devotion like their split ears, which hold symbolic earrings of their sect. These ascetics typically renounce household life, travel widely, and position themselves outside the caste-based social systems of settled communities, following a rigorous path of personal spiritual discipline.

The Kusle, by contrast, have localized and adapted Nath traditions into the structure of Newar society. Rather than renouncing worldly life, they maintain family ties and fulfill hereditary ritual duties, including conducting funerary music, exorcisms, and rites surrounding death and impurity. They do not bear the marks of extreme asceticism, nor do they detach from community life. Today, the distinction is even more apparent. Since the Kusle are ethnically Newar, speak Nepal Bhasa (Newari), and embody Newar cultural identity. The Kaanphata Jogies whether celibate ascetics or born into the Jogi caste, are Parbatiya, aligned with the broader Indo-Nepalese Hindu framework and often affiliated with major Shivaite centers like Varanasi, Haridwar, and Kedarnath.

The ritual muteness of the Kusle is deeply symbolic, reflecting their role as intermediaries between the living and the spiritual realms. In Newar death rituals, where they handle potent forces associated with death and the spirit world, silence serves as a protective and purifying measure, allowing them to perform their duties without directly invoking or disturbing malevolent energies. Muteness aligns them with the Preta or wandering spirit, a being in transition and often unsatisfied, symbolizing the dangerous and unresolved aspects of death. By remaining silent, the Kusule embody a restraint that controls these forces, reinforcing their role in “containing” spiritual disturbances within ritual spaces. Silence thus becomes a shield that separates them from direct confrontation with these forces, allowing their presence to perform exorcistic functions subtly and effectively without verbal interaction.

In the shifting landscape of contemporary Himalayan region, the Kusle stand at a fragile crossroads, their ancient role as ritual musicians and death workers steadily dissolving into the margins of memory. Once bearers of sacred sound and mediators between realms, they now face growing irrelevance in a society that increasingly turns to sanitized forms of ritual and forgets the necessity of those who navigate the liminal. Modernity has offered few concessions as tailoring and low-paying labor now supplement their ritual services, but these new roles bring neither dignity nor security. Despite deep cultural lineage and societal importance, the Kusle continue to face caste-based stigma, economic hardship, and a fading recognition of their spiritual authority.

Nonetheless, their presence evokes something more enduring than marginalization. The Kusle embody the living palimpsest of Newar civilization, layered with influences from different traditions and cosmologies. Today, as the valley of Kathmandu modernizes and ritual worlds fragment, the Kusle’s quiet resilience reminds us of an older truth: that those who dwell closest to death often guard the deepest knowledge of life. To listen to their Damaru beat is to hear the echo of a civilization in dialogue with its own spirt.

Eco-Spirituality & the Sacred Connection to Nature

High in the mist-veiled cliffs of central Nepal, where the sky breaks open above rhododendron forests and ancient stone villages cling to the earth, the Gurung people have, for generations, practiced a tradition as audacious as it is sacred: the harvesting of mad honey. In recent years, this rite has found its way into the global spotlight—through viral videos and the curious chatter of podcasts, but the gaze of the outside world often settles on the spectacle: men dangling on handmade ladders hundreds of feet above the forest floor, braving swarms of Himalayan giant bees for the intoxicating nectar that lies hidden in the hive.

This holy ceremony is traditionally conducted by an elder who calls forth the cliffs’ guardian spirits and maintains peace between the bees and hunters. This spiritual groundwork reflects the Gurung community’s deep-seated belief in the interdependence of all living beings. The elder’s remarkable immunity to bee stings is often cited as proof of this sacred bond—not a miracle, but a testament to a life lived in balance and reverence for the natural world.

In a prosperous year, nature bestows its gifts in abundance. Honey drapes the boulders in golden cascades, and armed with little more than ropes and woven baskets, the Gurung people set out in small bands, sometimes with extended families who, at times, unite in larger gatherings to celebrate the season’s wealth. Yet these journeys are never random. Each path follows the contours of ancestral land, well-trodden and steeped in memory. Every stretch of terrain and its bounty are entrusted to guardian spirits. Whether the harvest is wild fruit, the yield of cultivated fields, or the revered honey, the most coveted nectar of all, it is gathered under an unspoken covenant between the land and its keepers.

Parallel practices emerge in Sikkim and Darjeeling, where accounts tell of humans forging pacts with animals and insects. For instance, elders recount rituals where jungle-goers who prayed to forest spirits or communicated with ants and spiders were spared from leech and insect attacks. These accounts may seem otherworldly in the modern era, yet they highlight an eco-spiritual ethos where humans coexist with other sentient beings in a web of mutual respect and responsibility.

Of course, no instrument of science can measure this covenant, no microscope can reveal the threads that bind bee and man, cliff and spirit. And yet, one glimpses a worldview carved from centuries of coexistence. It is simply a belief in reciprocity. The natural world, in this Himalayan imagination, is not a warehouse of resources but a parliament of beings, each with its own agency, its own right to exist. What science may call superstition, the Himalayan worldview might understand as memory—a pact, renewed in each season, that all who dwell upon this fragile Earth are bound by the same breath.

Central to this worldview is the concept of eco-spirituality, a belief system that intertwines environmental consciousness with spiritual practice, advocating for a deep, respectful relationship with the natural world. In the Himalayas, this reverence for nature has been at the heart of shamanic traditions for centuries, where sacred rituals, ancestral wisdom, and an intimate connection to the land form the foundation of spiritual life.

What all of this means is that at the core of both eco-spirituality and Himalayan shamanism lies the belief that nature is sacred. The land is not merely soil and stone but a sentient force, pulsating with spiritual vitality, where every being is kin, bound by the same ancestral essence. We are, in the truest sense, woven from the same primordial thread. Shamans, infused with divine energy, serve as the bridge between humanity and the unseen world, channeling rituals that pay homage to the forces sculpting existence itself.

By this very nature, all humans, regardless of culture, share an intrinsic mental perception or a universal shamanic consciousness. Whether this latent faculty is woven seamlessly into daily life, as it was for the ancients, or accessed through the labyrinth of memory embedded in tradition, depends solely on one’s awareness, orientation, and the depth of their interconnected understanding.

In the West, voices like Henry David Thoreau stood as early sentinels of a philosophy that saw nature not as backdrop but as teacher, sanctuary, and moral compass. His retreat to Walden Pond was not an escape but a deliberate act of communion—a spiritual experiment rooted in simplicity and solitude. In many ways, Thoreau’s vision echoes the animistic ethos of Himalayan communities. Thoreau was not alone. John Muir, wandering the Sierras with his pockets full of biscuits, wrote of the wilderness as a cathedral—an unbuilt temple where God might be encountered not in script but in the curve of a river or the ancient patience of a glacier.

In the Himalayas, many shamanic rituals are aligned with the rhythms of the Earth. Shamans often conduct ceremonies that correspond to the seasons—marking the winter solstice, the spring equinox, and the harvest period—celebrating the cycles of nature and ensuring that the human community stays in harmony with the environment. These rituals are seen as a way of thanking the Earth for its abundance and asking for blessings for the upcoming season.  Eco-spirituality, too, places great importance on the cycles of nature and the spiritual significance of the seasons. Many eco-spiritual practices involve seasonal rituals that honor the Earth’s gifts, such as planting trees during the spring equinox or celebrating the harvest in the fall. These practices serve as a reminder that we are part of a larger cycle of life, death, and renewal, and that our actions must respect and nurture the Earth’s natural cycles.

Eco-spirituality draws heavily from this traditional knowledge, emphasizing the need to learn from indigenous practices and honor the wisdom of our ancestors. By reconnecting with the land and learning from the deep ecological understanding embedded in shamanic traditions, eco-spirituality encourages a return to more sustainable ways of living—rooted in respect for the Earth.

In the modern era, the teachings of both Himalayan shamanism and eco-spirituality have never been more relevant. As we face unprecedented environmental challenges, the spiritual lessons of interconnectedness, balance, and healing offer much-needed guidance. Young people today, in particular, are turning to eco-spirituality as a way to reconnect with nature in an increasingly disconnected world. Practices such as forest bathing, nature meditation, and eco-activism offer pathways to spiritual fulfillment while also contributing to the well-being of the planet.

The Sunuwar Kõits and Their Ancestral Identity

For the Sunuwar Koits, history isn’t inscribed on parchment or pressed between the pages of books. It is carried in the breath of elders, held in the echoes of ritual chants, and guarded by shamans who traverse the liminal space between the physical and the unseen. Their myths of origin, their reckonings of lineage, and the cadence of their past flow not through ink but through the living memory of their people. The written word has only ever grazed the surface of this deeper reservoir of knowledge—most notably in People of Nepal (1967), where Dor Bahadur Bista speaks of twelve clans, the Bara Thars, mapping the Sunuwar presence along the watersheds of Likhu Khola and Khimti Khola, within the vast embrace of the Sun Koshi basin.

Yet for the Kõits, identity is neither a matter of cartography nor mere taxonomy. It is embedded in language, in the subtle architecture of words that shape meaning and purpose. Their name, Kõits, is no passive label but a declaration of being, drawn from the verb kõincha (kõitsā), meaning “to guide” or “to show.” It is a title that speaks of responsibility, of leadership not as dominion but as wisdom in motion—an ethos where the bearer is not simply one who commands but one who illuminates the path. Unlike the exonym “Sunuwar,” which outsiders have tethered to the western banks of the Sunkoshi, Kõits rises from within, a self-uttered invocation of identity. In this name, there is no imposed geography, no borrowed frame of reference—only the enduring voice of a people who have always known who they are.

The Kõits identity, however, has long been overshadowed by colonial constructs, with terms like “Sunuwar” and “Mukhiya” reducing a vibrant heritage to geographic or administrative labels. These exonyms, born of Indo-Aryan linguistic frameworks, strip the Kõits of their nuanced self-definition, framing them within external perceptions of land and power rather than their rich, self-constructed ethos. Yet, the endonym Kõits endures as a linguistic and cultural anchor, defying the erasure of their heritage. It reminds the community—and the world—of their deep historical ties to leadership, their indigenous lexicon’s capacity to preserve meaning, and the resilience of their identity against the tides of colonization. In reclaiming the term ‘Kõits’, the community reasserts a sovereignty of meaning, celebrating their role not merely as people of a place but as custodians of ancestral wisdom.

The Kõits stand as inheritors of an ancient Kirati lineage, their lives bound to ancestral devotion, shamanic vision, and an abiding kinship with the land. For them, existence is not a divide between the sacred and the material but a seamless interplay, where every custom, every rite, every rhythm of daily life mirrors a profound attunement to both the natural world and the unseen forces that animate it. Their clans, the Bara Thars, are more than genealogical markers; they are echoes of memory, each name a cipher of origin and purpose. Binicha, Bigyacha, Bujicha, Bramlicha, Darkhacha—these are not mere appellations but storied remnants of an older wisdom, linking families to lost professions, forgotten geographies, and elemental truths. Some, like Phaticha, meaning “to filter,” speak to the ancient crafts of purification and separation, while Gongrocha— “to open noisily”—evokes the sharp report of thresholds crossed, of doors flung wide to new horizons. Embedded in their language, these names do more than recall the past; they embody it, ensuring that identity is not just remembered but continuously lived.

The following are some of the Kõits clan names of Thars

  • Binicha
  • Bigyacha
  • Bujicha
  • Bramlicha
  • Darkhacha
  • Dasucha
  • Debbacha
  • Digarcha
  • Durbicha
  • Phaticha
  • Gaurocha
  • Gongrocha
  • Jespucha
  • Jijicha
  • Jenticha
  • Katicha
  • Khunlicha
  • Kyabacha
  • Khyonpaticha
  • Kyuinticha
  • Kormocha
  • Laspacha
  • Linocha
  • Lonkucha
  • Lunkicha
  • Mulicha
  • Nasocha
  • Ngawocha
  • Nomlicha
  • Pargacha
  • Pretticha
  • Rapicha
  • Rawacha
  • Rudicha
  • Rujicha
  • Rupacha
  • Shyochulcha
  • Susucha
  • Teppacha
  • Thangracha
  • Tholocha
  • Tonkucha
  • Thungucha
  • Tursucha
  • Wangdecha
  • Yatacha

Their language, casually termed Sunuwari, is actually called Kõits Lo. It is a branch of the Tibeto-Burman family, and serves a vessel of memory, a defiant marker of identity in a world that presses upon it, other than being a mere means of communication. Though the tide of Nepali influence and the weight of neighboring Hindu traditions have reshaped the cultural landscape, the Sunuwar remain steadfast, their language a thread binding them to the past, to the voices of their ancestors, and to the land they call home. This deep connection to the land is not just philosophical; it is the foundation of their way of life. Agriculture dictates the rhythm of existence, with terraced fields carved into the hillsides yielding millet, maize, and rice—the sustenance of generations. Ingenious irrigation techniques have long been employed to coax abundance from the earth, yet the land itself is finite, its scarcity an ever-present challenge. Animal husbandry plays a lesser role, a quiet supplement to an economy that has, for centuries, been rooted in the cultivation of grain. In the fields and in the echoes of their language, the Sunuwar inscribe their history, ensuring that neither the soil nor the stories are ever lost.

Socially, the Sunuwar Kõits are organized into patrilineal clans that dictate familial lineage and social roles. Each clan has specific rituals that are performed to honor their ancestors, with a clear distinction between those who carry on the ancestral line and those who perform the rituals. Marriage within the Kõits society follows exogamous rules, ensuring that individuals marry outside their clan, which further reinforces their social cohesion and the interconnectedness of their clans. An interesting aspect of Kõits identity is their understanding of gender roles. In Sunuwar belief, ruysh (bones) are associated with male identity and patrilineal descent, while shey (flesh) represents the maternal lineage and female identity. This dualistic view of gender extends beyond social roles to their material and spiritual lives. For example, men inherit ancestral lands, which are seen as symbols of permanence, while women’s roles, though indispensable, are seen as transient in comparison.

Shamanism among the Kõits is more than a spiritual practice—it is the axis upon which their world turns, a sacred lineage of healers, seers, and intermediaries who walk the threshold between the living and the dead. To be a shaman is to wield Thung, an inherited power that grants the ability to heal, divine, and channel the voices of spirits. Rituals unfold in the flickering light of tradition, where bamboo—alive with its own force—serves as the bridge between realms. No mere material, it is a vessel of communion, a conduit through which ancestral whispers flow, carrying blessings from the unseen world into the present.

Sunuwar spiritual life is a delicate balance, a dual system upheld by the Naso, the priest who offers prayers and sacrifices, and the Puimbo or Ngiami, the shaman who traverses the spectral veil. Their rites are not passive observances but immersive acts—ecstatic trances in which spirits speak, gods descend, and afflictions are torn from the afflicted. The banjhakri, the enigmatic jungle spirit, selects and initiates these figures, dragging them into the unknown, where the true apprenticeship begins. Through trials of endurance and revelations of power, the shaman emerges, armed with sacred mantras, divination rites, and the steady pulse of the dhyangro drum—a sound not just of ceremony, but of transformation, marking the threshold between the human and the divine.

In Sunuwar culture, gender symbolism takes on even more significance within the realm of shamanism. Sunuwar shamans, whether Puimbo (male) or Ngiami (female), transcend traditional gender roles and adopt an androgynous identity. This spiritual flexibility is crucial to their role as intermediaries between the living and the ancestral spirits. Shamans are believed to possess the power to enter trance states and communicate with the divine and the deceased, bridging the gap between the human and spiritual realms. This transcendent ability is facilitated by their unique gender identities, allowing them to embody the balance between masculine and feminine forces, a theme that is also evident in the Sunuwar’s material culture.

The forces of modernity—migration, urban expansion, the pull of mainstream education—have eroded the foundations of Kõits tradition, chipping away at rituals once central to identity, weakening the ties that bind generations. Yet culture is not so easily erased. In villages and diaspora communities alike, a quiet resistance takes shape. Grassroots movements emerge, language revitalization efforts take root, and ancestral knowledge passes from elders to youth, not as relics of the past but as vital currents shaping the present. Festivals become more than celebrations; they are acts of defiance, reaffirmations of a way of life that refuses to fade. Though the tides of change press in, the Sunuwar Kõits continue to hold fast, ensuring that their heritage is not just remembered but lived. Now, it falls upon the younger generation to bear this weight, to carry forward what remains, as a privilege, and also as a birthright.

The Transforming Character of Himalayan Traditions

In my work with Kirati Khambu Rai cultural organizations and through engaging with other groups such as the Tamangs, Magars, and Gurungs, I’ve frequently encountered a telling phrase in Nepali that culture enthusiasts often repeat: “Bhai, khas ma chai hamro parampara/ritithiti/bhesbhusa yesto rahecha ni,” which translates to, “Brother, originally our customs/rituals/traditional attire were like this.”

A friend of mine, Ashish, who advocates for embracing modern cultural movements, once remarked with a touch of scepticism, “If we’re talking about the original traditional attire of every culture, it would be leaves and animal skins.” Though his comment was made with a playful intent to provoke someone like me, it holds an undeniable element of truth.

Today, when indigenous Himalayan communities gather to celebrate their festivals in open fields, they assert their identity through distinct ethnic symbols. These include traditional attire, often woven in fabrics whose style, colour, and patterns signify their ‘clan’ or identity. Interestingly, while these elements are ascribed great antiquity, there is little evidence to support their age-old origins. In fact, much of this “traditional” apparatus is either modern or influenced by later cultural developments. For instance, most Himalayan tribes have upper garments for men, yet their lower attire is often the Daura Suruwal—an outfit widely acknowledged as non-indigenous to the tribes of the Himalayas. Adding to this, many men wearing traditional upper garments opt to pair them with jeans. Attires change, and so does culture, reflecting the uncertainty of both tradition and identity.

Thus, it can be said that culture is not a static construct but a dynamic, ever-evolving force influenced by history, environment, and human interaction. This fluidity is particularly evident in Himalayan societies, where traditions have been shaped by the flow of time, external influences, organized religions, and the shifting needs of communities. From a sociological perspective, it becomes clear that while some traditions fade with time, others adapt, endure, and evolve reflecting the resilience and creativity of human societies. Yet, one might contend that even as culture evolves, it must be preserved to uphold a robust cultural identity. Without this, what remains of its essence?

Here, it is crucial to recognize the distinction between preserving culture and clinging uncritically to archaic traditions. The former fosters a unique identity, nurturing kinship and belonging, while the latter risks suffocating a community’s natural growth. Just as ecosystems flourish through adaptation and change, so too must cultures transform to stay vibrant. For communities like the Kirati Khambu Rai, who have long drawn inspiration from nature, resisting cultural change and embracing rigidity would be a profound irony.

What truly deserves preservation is not the entirety of culture in its static form but those traditions that enrich a community’s sense of identity. Accepting the fluidity of culture is essential—allowing it to shift and adapt organically ensuring its relevance in changing times. By embracing this natural flow, communities can honour their heritage while making space for innovation and new expressions, so that their traditions remain vibrant and meaningful for generations to come.

Thomas Sowell, a distinguished economist and social theorist, has delved deeply into the evolution of cultures and traditions, particularly in the context of conquests and cultural exchanges. In his book Conquests and Cultures: An International History, Sowell examines how cultural differences, both within and between nations, have shaped the economic and social trajectories of peoples and civilizations across centuries. This observation resonates in the context of the Himalayas, where communities have continually reshaped their traditions to adapt and survive amidst the challenges of the modern world.

Sowell argues that cultural evolution is significantly influenced by historical events such as conquests, migrations, and the dissemination of human capital. He suggests that while some cultural elements are lost or transformed through these processes, others adapt and endure, contributing to the dynamic nature of cultural identity. This perspective aligns with the observation that traditions, including those in the Himalayan region, are subject to change and amalgamation over time.

The Himalayan region, known for its rich diversity, offers a microcosm of how cultures interact and evolve. Communities like the Kiratis, Tamangs, Gurungs, and Magars have developed unique traditions over centuries, but these traditions have not remained isolated. Trade, migration, and religious influences have facilitated a continuous exchange of ideas, rituals, and philosophies.

Take, for instance, the Kiratis of the ancient Kathmandu Valley. Their traditions, as described in ancient Lichhavi inscriptions, differ vastly from those practiced by Kiratis today. These inscriptions mention the veneration of Matindevkul, a female deity revered by the ancient Kirats. However, its connection to the modern reverence for Sumnima by the Kirat Rais or Yuma by the Limbus remains uncertain. Similarly, indigenous groups also honour feminine powers in various forms—be it Ajima of the Newars, Machakomma of the Chamlings, Mangchemma of the Bantawas, or Honku Mang, the divine female river spirit, alongside the more universal “Boju Devi.”

What is unclear, however, is whether the ancient Matindevkul has evolved into these household female spirits, now worshipped distinctly by each community, or whether her significance has been quietly diminished over time. This ambiguity underscores the dynamic nature of cultural transformation, where fluidity shapes new practices while leaving parts of the past in shadows.

In The Invention of Tradition, Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger write, “We should expect it (invention of tradition) to occur more frequently when a rapid transformation of society weakens or destroys the social patterns for which ‘old’ traditions had been designed, producing new ones to which they were not applicable, or when such old traditions and their institutional carriers and promulgators no longer prove sufficiently adaptable and flexible, or are otherwise eliminated.”

This statement highlights how traditions adapt in response to societal changes. As communities encounter rapid transformations—whether from external influences, shifting needs, or modern pressures—their old traditions may no longer be effective. In such situations, new traditions are often created or adjusted to help communities preserve their identity while navigating the changing landscape.

Historical shifts, including the rise of Hinduism and Buddhism, have introduced new elements while marginalizing some older practices. Yet, amidst these changes, certain traditions persist because they hold deep significance, acting as cultural anchors. This phenomenon illustrates a critical point: cultural elements that endure are often those revered or deemed essential by their communities. At the same time, the loss of certain practices is inevitable, reflecting changing priorities, environments, and values.

Shamanism, a cornerstone of many Himalayan cultures, exemplifies the fluid nature of traditions. Historically rooted in animism and the deep connection between humans and nature, shamanism has undergone various changes over time. External religious influences, such as Hindu and Buddhist philosophies, have introduced syncretic practices. Tamang shamans (Bompos) may integrate Buddhist mantras into their rituals while preserving core elements like the Lha (soul) and the shamanic journey.

One key insight is that traditions do not survive solely because of historical continuity. They endure because they are revered—imbued with meaning and value by the community. Rituals, songs, and festivals tied to shamanic practices or nature worship continue in part because they resonate deeply with cultural identity and collective memory.

However, the reverence for certain practices also raises questions about what is lost. When oral traditions fade, or languages erode, the intricate details of rituals and cosmologies risk being forgotten. This loss does not diminish the adaptability of culture but highlights the importance of documentation and preservation efforts. Ethnographic studies, storytelling, and education are crucial in ensuring that even fading traditions find a place in the broader narrative of human history.

The fluid nature of culture is both its strength and its vulnerability. As traditions adapt to new circumstances, they demonstrate resilience, but this process also entails the loss of practices that no longer seem relevant. Environmental changes, shifting societal needs, and external pressures all contribute to this duality.

The story of Himalayan civilizations illustrates that culture is not a monolith but a living, breathing phenomenon. While acknowledging the inevitability of change, it is essential to preserve and document traditions that form the foundation of a community’s identity. Efforts to safeguard languages, rituals, and oral histories are not about resisting change but about ensuring that the essence of a culture endures through its evolution.

Only if we ponder upon the transformative nature of traditions, and accept it, can we truly achieve a balance—celebrating the dynamism of culture while honouring the legacy of the past. In doing so, we recognize that even as traditions change, they endure as crucial components in the continuous evolution of human civilization.

Chasok Tangnam: The Limbu Harvest Festival

Cultural festivals provide one of the few consistently affirming opportunities for indigenous communities in the Himalayas to strengthen and assert a more constructive self-image, both across generations and in the pursuit of their identity as a distinct culture. For the Limbus, the harvest festival of Chasok Tangnam serves a similar purpose, embodying not only a profound connection between nature and spirituality but also acting as a protector of their rich cultural heritage.  Rooted in the Mundhum—the oral scripture and philosophical structure of the Limbu people—Chasok Tangnam is a celebration of gratitude, reciprocity, and ecological reverence.

Chasok Tangnam is celebrated during the Udhauli season, which typically occurs in late autumn, in either November or December. This season marks the time of harvest when crops such as millet, rice, and buckwheat are gathered, aligning with the natural cycle of crop maturity. The festival thus coincides with a time of abundance and gratitude reflecting the agrarian values of the Limbu ancestors. The ritual of seeking permission from ancestors or nature to partake in the newly harvested crops is called ‘Chasok,’ whereas ‘Tangnam‘ translates to festival or celebration.

As an indigenous community of the Eastern Himalayas, the Limbu have long relied on farming as their primary means of livelihood. The Mundhum narrates the shift from a foraging to an agricultural society, facilitated by divine intervention.

In ancient times, during the era of Sawa Yethang, the earliest human ancestors relied on gathering wild fruits, roots, and tubers for survival. This fragile way of life eventually led to health problems, prompting them to seek divine intervention. Tagera Ningwaphuma, the creator of the world, answered their prayers by imparting the knowledge of agriculture. Sibera/Sikera Yakthungma, a wise and visionary woman, became a central figure in this transformative period. She cleared the land with wooden tools, sowed seeds, and guided the community in the practice of farming. The fertile plains along the Tamor River, now known as Nembo Yakwa Tesuma in Taplejung, are celebrated as the birthplace of this agricultural transformation. Following the first harvest, Sikera Yakthungma urged the people to offer a portion of their crops to nature and their ancestral spirits as an expression of gratitude, marking the origin of the Chasok Tangnam tradition.

These narratives are not merely mythological; they reflect the socio-historical development of the Limbu community. The roots of the festival lie in the ancient practice of Nwagi, the ritual of offering newly harvested crops to deities and ancestors before human consumption. Over time, this practice evolved into the collective celebration of Chasok Tangnam, a festival marked by communal joy and respect.  The practices and metaphors that weave the life cycle of crops into cosmic, human, and social dynamics reveal how a community harmonizes applied knowledge, symbols, and rituals into an evolving cycle of meaning. This cycle adapts over time and grounds essential processes within the realms of bodily life, the household, the village, and the Limbu spirit pantheon.

Chasok Tangnam is a multifaceted celebration that integrates spiritual rituals, communal gatherings, and cultural performances. The festival typically coincides with the harvest season, aligning with the natural cycle of crop maturity. The rituals are performed by Devari, Mangdemba, Fedangmas, and Yebas/Yemas (Limbu shamans), who act as intermediaries between the physical and spiritual realms.

Unlike many other communities, the Limbus do not directly embed farming practices into rigid religious symbols. Instead, they root these practices in tangible elements, such as crops, which are central to both practical and symbolic operations. In the context of Chasok Tangnam, this adaptability is evident in how harvested crops serve as offerings to nature and ancestral spirits, symbolizing gratitude and the cyclical harmony of life. Even as cultural and social landscapes shift, the flexible symbolism of plants and natural elements ensures that their relevance endures. Local knowledge about grains and other resources operates subtly behind these rituals, allowing traditions like Chasok Tangnam to continuously evolve while preserving their essence.

When crops like maize, millet, and rice mature, the household’s primary woman meticulously harvests the rice and millet ears. The rice is threshed, roasted, and processed into flattened rice (chura), while the millet is hand-husked, and its husks are combined with chili and water to brew Jaad Saaptok, a ritual millet beer.

A stalk of Malingo (Himalayacalamus asper) is planted in the ground, and a Muthareko Dhungro (hollowed bamboo vessel), approximately 5–6 inches long, is prepared. This vessel is filled with Saaptok and placed at the top of the Malingo. Waso Phungwet/Chindo (dried bottle gourd) or a brass pot is filled with Dawakama Wadumpakwa (pure water) for libations on the shrine. The ritual space is established by leveling the ground and laying out banana leaves to create a long ceremonial area. Altars dedicated to Yuma Sammang and Theba Sammang, the primordial ancestors, are arranged, with offerings placed on plates. A lit lamp serves as the final touch to complete the sacred setup.

The ritual honors several deities and divine spirits from the Limbu pantheon.

Misekpa: The first deity worshiped to ensure that the ritual proceeds without any obstructions or mishaps.
Kuikudap or Taphemba: A hunting divine spirit that ensures no obstacles in the household life.
Thungdangba: The Sun deity, worshiped to ensure favorable weather for crops.
Seebera/Sikera Yakthungma: A maiden who, having helped with the first seed sowing and ensured crop growth, is worshiped for support and life-giving assistance.
Kapobba Him Sammang: A deity who protects the home, often seen as a guardian ancestor.
Kashihangma: A female companion deity of Yuma Sammang.
Yuma Sammang: The supreme goddess of the Yakthung Limbu people, embodying the power of maternal strength, closely linked to the creation deity Tagera Ningwaphuma.
Theba Sammang: The male counterpart deity of Yuma Sammang, representing paternal strength and the ancestral male deity of the Limbu people.

The centerpiece of Chasok Tangnam is the Nwagi ritual, in which newly harvested crops are offered to Tagera Ningwaphuma, the ancestors (Samjik), and nature spirits. The offerings usually include millet, rice, and seasonal produce, symbolizing the community’s gratitude for a bountiful harvest. The rituals are held at sacred sites like Mangkhims (ancestral worship places) and natural landmarks such as rivers, caves, and ridges, believed to be inhabited by the spirits of ancestors and deities. The shamans invoke the spirits using traditional chants and rituals found in the Mundhum. Sacred drums (Tangsing) and other ritual tools are used to establish a spiritual connection.

Traditional Limbu dances, like the Dhan Nach, are an integral part of Chasok Tangnam, accompanied by folk songs that recount ancestral tales and cultural teachings. The festival is also marked by communal feasts, where the harvested crops are shared among community members, reinforcing social unity and collective well-being.

From an anthropological perspective, Chasok Tangnam serves as a crucial cultural institution for the Limbu community. It embodies the anthropological concepts of reciprocity, sacred ecology, and cultural transmission. The festival reflects the principle of reciprocity, a central feature of indigenous worldviews. By offering the first harvest to deities and ancestors, the Limbu people acknowledge the interconnectedness of all beings and the cyclical nature of life. This act reinforces the community’s deep sense of stewardship for the environment.

The rituals of Chasok Tangnam emphasize sacred ecology, a key element of Limbu cosmology. Natural features such as rivers, caves, and mountains are revered as sacred spaces that house ancestral spirits. This sacred respect extends to agriculture, where practices like crop rotation, agroforestry, and the careful management of sacred lands help maintain a harmonious balance with nature. These sustainable methods ensure that the relationship between humans and the environment is regenerative and respectful.

In the modern context, Chasok Tangnam remains a deeply significant cultural and spiritual event for the Limbu community, even as it faces challenges from urbanization and globalization. Efforts to preserve the festival are ongoing, through documentation of the Mundhum, cultural education programs, and community outreach. As the Limbu diaspora grows, Chasok Tangnam has spread beyond its traditional regions, with Limbu communities in urban areas and abroad holding their own celebrations.

The Mystical Rock

A long time ago, before clans were formed, people lived in the mountains. Life was simple, and the villagers relied on nature for everything. Above their village stood a great rock cliff, where, they said, a mysterious being lived. Some called him a Deuta (Deity), while others whispered that he was a Pret (Ghost).

At night, this being would leave the cliff and visit a young girl in the village. No one knew of these visits until one day, the girl discovered she was going to have a child. Frightened and unsure, she confessed to her parents.

“A deity visits me at night,” she said softly, her eyes lowered in shame. “I carry his child.”

Her father frowned deeply. “A deity or a ghost, no one should come and leave without showing his face! We will find out who this is,” he said firmly.

The mother nodded. “Next time he visits, tie this thread around his thumb,” she said, handing her daughter a long piece of string. “It will lead us to him.”

That night, the girl waited anxiously. When the being arrived, she tied the thread around his thumb while he wasn’t paying attention. Before dawn, the being left as usual, unaware of the trap.

“Pull the string, daughter!” her father whispered the next morning.

The girl followed the string, which stretched all the way to a water source (muhan) at the foot of the rock cliff. As she tugged harder, a cry echoed from deep within the rock.

“Aya! Aya! Stop pulling!”

The family now knew where the being lived. The father marched to the cliff and shouted, “Show yourself! You visit my daughter, yet you hide from us? Come out and face me!”

A deep voice came from within the rock. “I cannot leave my dwelling,” the being said. “What do you want from me?”

“You will marry my daughter and take responsibility for your child!” the father demanded.

“I cannot marry her,” replied the voice. “I am a god, bound to this rock. But I will offer you something else. Name your wish, and it shall be granted.”

The family discussed for a long time. Finally, the father said, “Teach us the secrets of farming. Give us tools and knowledge, so we can work the land and feed our people.”

“So be it,” said the voice.

The next morning, the family found gifts waiting at the rock’s base—a yoke, oxen, and all kinds of vessels and utensils, water jars, plates, and cups. From that day, they became the first to know the art of sowing, ploughing, and harvesting.

As time passed, the girl gave birth to a boy. Her father named him Deupahari Gharti—“The Landless Son of the Rock.” The name reminded everyone of his unusual birth.

When the boy grew up, he married a girl from a nearby settlement. But since he had no land, he and his family left the village. Crossing the hills, they came to the vast plains.

“Look at this soil,” said Deupahari to his wife. “It is rich. Here, we will grow crops and make a life.”

And so, with the tools given by the god, he tilled the land, turning the plains into fertile fields.

Hearing of this success, people from other clans came. They were amazed by Deupahari’s skills.

“How do you plough the land so well?” they asked.

Deupahari smiled. “A deity taught my family the secrets of farming. I can teach you too.”

Grateful, the other clans agreed that Deupahari’s family—the Gharti—should always perform the first tilling of the fields each year.

“It is your right,” they said. “If anyone else begins, the gods may become angry and bring drought.”

And so, Deupahari and his descendants were honored as the first farmers, linked forever to the deity of the rock cliff and the watersource.

Even today, the Gharti clan is remembered as the keepers of this sacred legacy, the ones who brought the gift of agriculture to their people.

Ghatu Tradition of the Gurung People – Part 2

Part 1 of the article introduces Ghatu as a rich narrative song and dance tradition of the Gurung people, primarily performed in rural areas of Western and Central Nepal. It highlights its sociocultural importance, emphasizing its role in fostering social cohesion among the Gurung, Magar, and other communities. The Ghatu performance involves slow, trance-inducing dances that enact scenes from local mythology, particularly the story of Queen Amberwati and King Pashramu, with three main types of Ghatu: Barahmase, Kusunda, and Sati. The article also discusses the performance’s connection to agricultural cycles, particularly the belief that a successful Ghatu performance ensures a good harvest, and the ritualistic invocation of nature spirits during the performance. Read Part 1

Though Ghatu may appear at first glance as a traditional song and dance form celebrated for its elegance, fluidity, and the sustained grace of its physical choreography, it holds far greater significance from a cultural perspective. It serves as a deeply symbolic ritual, forging connections between performers and their history, environment, and spiritual beliefs. Beyond its aesthetic appeal, Ghatu functions as a source of cultural memory, a communal rite of passage, and a powerful expression of the Gurung worldview.

A typical performance can range from a few hours to several days. While the narrative content of Ghatu performances varies depending on the type performed, it usually begins with the invocation of the Ghatu Deuta, or spirits of King Pashramu and Queen Amberwati, key figures in the mythological narrative of Ghatu. The Guru, a figure of immense cultural and spiritual authority, chants mantras to summon these spirits into the bodies of the Ghatuli, the young female dancers. These dancers, chosen for their prepubescent purity, are believed to be uniquely capable of embodying divine energy. The trance state they enter is vital for the performance, signaling their role as intermediaries between the human and the divine. The trembling, closed eyes, and fluid movements of the dancers during the trance are viewed as signs of spirit possession, creating an intensely sacred atmosphere.

Guided by the Gurumas (female spiritual guides), the Ghatuli not only reenact mythological stories but also symbolize the connection between human vulnerability and spiritual transcendence. The dancers selected for these roles represent purity and sacred power, with their uncombed hair and Gurung Cholo (traditional dress) serving as symbols of their divine transformation. This unique interplay of ritual, gender, and spirituality challenges conventional patriarchal norms, portraying women as both protectors and vessels of divine energy. The unadorned simplicity of symbols like the Ghatuli’s loose hair and their rhythmic gestures represents their complete surrender to the divine, while the sacred headgear reinforces their spiritual connection. These symbols not only carry spiritual meaning but also tie the ritual to the natural and cosmological elements of Gurung life.

Every Ghatu performance beautifully embodies the Gurung people’s deep connection to the cyclical nature of time and existence. For the Gurung, time is not a linear progression but a flowing rhythm, deeply intertwined with the natural and agricultural cycles that sustain their lives. This philosophy finds expression in the very arrangement of Ghatu, where the repetition of melodies and the circular grace of the dances mirror the timeless patterns of planting and harvesting rice. Each movement, each refrain, weaves a ritual cadence that resonates with the rhythms of mountain life, drawing performers and audiences alike into harmony with the cosmos.

The Ghatu tradition is meticulously structured, requiring every step to be performed with ritualistic precision, leaving little room for improvisation. It transforms into a sacred ceremony where the Ghatuli become vessels for the Ghatu Deuta, channeling divine spirits through their dance. Ritual objects such as the Birpatta—a sacred offering of fried rice and turmeric—play an essential role, serving as protective shields against malevolent energies. The Mandali, or performance space, is ritually cleansed with cow dung and sacred water to create an environment sanctified for invoking the divine. These practices integrate elements of shamanism and animism, embodying the belief in divine possession and the influence of the spiritual world on human life.

The aesthetic and symbolic elements of Ghatu hold great significance, where every movement is infused with meaning. The dancers’ graceful rotations, gentle bows, and synchronized arm gestures embody the Gurung ideal of Sallala pani bagey jastai—”flowing like water.” This imagery not only captures the smooth, fluid nature of the dance but also pays homage to the Gurung reverence for water, a life-giving force that sustains both the body and the spirit. The dance movements themselves mirror the winding patterns of mountain streams, which are as vital to the Gurung people’s daily life as they are to their spiritual worldview. The choreography’s soft, flowing lines, devoid of sharp angles, are harmoniously complemented by the rhythmic pulse of the Maadal (drum), creating an experience that is both visually and sonically attuned to the natural world. This seamless fusion of body and rhythm becomes a living tribute to the harmony between the earth, the water, and the people.

The unique vocal style of Ghatu adds a cultural richness to the performance. Typically, there are two to four primary singers, known as Gurumas (spiritual guides or female singers), each contributing personal variations to the melody, which creates a layered and intricate texture. This deliberate asynchrony—where singers breathe independently and embellish different sections of the melody—reflects the collective spirit of the Gurung people. It requires a deep sense of mutual awareness, embodying the Gurung value of milijuli—working together in unity. The Guru leads the group with subtle cues, ensuring the narrative and musical integrity of the performance, while allowing space for individual creativity within the traditional framework. Linguistically, Ghatu songs employ an archaic language, neither Nepali nor Gurung, which only the Guru can partially interpret. This linguistic mystery enhances the sacredness of the performance, setting it apart from everyday life and emphasizing its ritual nature. It also highlights the Guru’s role as the keeper of cultural knowledge, bridging the mystical and the mundane.

The emotional intensity of Ghatu reaches its peak during the Ghatu Selauni ritual on the final day. In this ceremony, the spirits of the Ghatu Deuta are honored and bid farewell through offerings to the river. This moment, filled with the deep sorrow of the Ghatuli as they emerge from their trance, captures the ritual’s liminal nature. It serves as a powerful reminder of the fleeting connection between the human and divine, and the cyclical renewal that follows.

The spiritual essence of Ghatu is rooted in a belief in unseen powers and divine intervention. Performers see themselves not as dancers, but as divine agents enacting the deeds of gods and goddesses. This belief transforms their perception of the dance, as they enter a trance that alters their sense of being. Ghatu dancers often report vivid visions of deceased ancestors and otherworldly realms, reinforcing the connection between the physical performance and spiritual awakening. These experiences shape both the dancers’ and the community’s belief in the ritual’s healing and protective powers. The adherence to ritual, such as the proper selection of dancers based on age and spiritual possession, is critical. If even a small mistake occurs, such as forgetting verses or allowing ineligible dancers, it is believed that the performance will fail, and the consequences could be severe.

Ghatu can be viewed as a sacred ritual that uses symbolic elements to navigate and express abstract, often contradictory, dimensions of belief. It serves as a reflection of a cosmological framework, exploring the relationship between humans and the divine, as well as the unseen forces that shape their world. However, Ghatu has not been immune to the pressures of modernization. Economic challenges, urban migration, and the influence of formal education and state policies have disrupted the traditional rhythms of Gurung life, leading to shorter performances and a dilution of some ritualistic practices. The roles of the Guru and Ghatuli, once sacred and exclusive, have become more flexible, with older women and less specialized drummers occasionally taking part. These changes highlight both the challenges Ghatu faces and its capacity to adapt to contemporary realities. But for those who value ethnic indigenous cultures, Ghatu offers a rich opportunity to explore the intersections of ritual, traditions, and modernity, standing as a testament to the resilience of indigenous practices and their ability to evolve while preserving their core essence

The Bombo in Tamang Shamanism: An Overview

Shamanism holds significant meaning within the belief system of the Tamang people, whose worldview envisions a complex and unpredictable spiritual realm that deeply impacts the physical world they inhabit. Like many Himalayan communities, the Tamang perceive this liminal space as multifaceted, where the essence of beings and objects often eludes ordinary perception, and cannot always be understood based on their outward appearance. In Tamang cosmology, the universe is populated by a diverse array of spiritual entities—some life-affirming and nurturing, others disruptive or harmful—each embodying a spectrum of qualities that influence the delicate balance between the natural and spiritual worlds.

At the heart of this worldview is the belief in duality, where the material and the ethereal coexist and interact. This dual existence shapes the Tamang understanding of life, death, and the cosmos, guiding them through realms that extend beyond ordinary human perception. By navigating this intricate spiritual framework, Tamang Shamans, known as Bombo, serve as essential mediators between the seen and unseen worlds. For generations, the Tamang have upheld a rich indigenous knowledge system, transmitted through oral traditions and carefully preserved across time. The Bombo stand as the spiritual and cultural anchors of this knowledge, their practices and wisdom intricately woven into the very fabric of Tamang identity and social cohesion.

The journey of a Bombo, or Tamang shaman, begins with a transformative event known as the Lha khoba mayba, or “spiritual calling.” This calling often emerges during an intense crisis, described as a form of possession, when spirits—especially deceased shamans, known as Mukhiya Guru—overwhelm the chosen individual. While some individuals display shamanic predispositions from a young age, for most, the process unfolds gradually as they mature. Over time, the boundary between waking consciousness and dream states becomes increasingly fluid, and the individual begins to manifest unmistakable shamanic signs, signaling their growing receptivity to the shamanic realm and its transcendent forces.

During these early, chaotic experiences, those called by the spirits often seek isolation—sometimes retreating to ‘spiritually impure’ places within forests or in cemeteries, where they encounter terrifying visions of laagu (malevolent spirits). These unsettling experiences, referred to as ta rang gal (unripe visions), are seen as part of the initiation process. Over time, these experiences are interpreted as a person’s readiness to take on the responsibility of guiding others through the invisible, spiritual realm.

The apprenticeship to become a Bombo is a long and difficult process that blends ecstatic spiritual experiences with more grounded, didactic learning. During this training, the Bombo apprentice learns how to distinguish between laagu (harmful spirits) and lha (benevolent spirits). He also learns how to enter trance states, perform sacred rituals like Nawa (purification), and master ancient incantations. Central to this process is the Mukhiya Guru, the spirit of an ancestral shaman, who guides the trainee through dreams and visions, helping to refine his understanding and skills. Through four stages of initiation, the apprentice gains the ability to enter the spiritual world—symbolized by the opening of the ti sal borba (heavenly doors) atop their head, allowing them to fly through the spirit realm and gain clarity of vision.

In Tamang society, shamans are not a homogenous group. There are different types of shamans, each with a specific role to play. The Bompo, for example, are deeply connected to nature and the land. They act as guardians of sacred places, performing rituals that honor spirits of the earth and ensure the fertility of the land. The Dangur are mediums, who become vessels for divine or ancestral spirits during rituals, delivering messages and blessings to those in need. Then there are the Rite Guru, whose practices are more closely tied to Buddhism. They perform rites of passage and help guide the souls of the departed toward their next rebirth, bridging shamanism and Buddhist teachings.

The roles of the Bombo are many, but they all revolve around the core principle of spiritual mediation. As healers, they diagnose ailments that are believed to be caused by spiritual imbalances, such as bla gumne (Saato haraunu/loss of life force). Using rhythmic drumming, chanting, and trance, the Bombo retrieves this lost energy, expelling laagu and restoring balance. They also lead community rituals at sacred sites, reinforcing the relationship between the people and the land. Just as importantly, Bombo are the keepers of the Tamang oral tradition. They are the ones who tell the ancient stories, preserving the myths and genealogies that define the Tamang identity.

The cosmology of Tamang shamanism is rich and complex, filled with heavens, middle realms, and underworlds. The dawa lung gyesar gyolpo (heavens) are home to benevolent gods and spirits, while the underworld jhao is inhabited by malevolent forces associated with death and decay. The Tamang landscape is also imbued with spiritual power. Sacred groves, springs, and mountains are seen as places where the boundary between the physical and spiritual worlds is thin, and where rituals can more easily connect the two. Through their rituals, the Bombo reinforce the idea of sibda neda than, a harmonious relationship between humans and the sacred environment.

Rituals are central to the practice of Tamang shamanism, and they’re not just individual acts but collective experiences. When performing rituals like the Nawa, the Bombo enters a trance, their body trembling as they call upon the Mukhiya Guru for guidance. These rituals, marked by drumming, chanting, and symbolic gestures are actually spiritual negotiations that attempt to appease spirits or warding off of harmful forces in the community. The Damphu, the traditional Tamang drum, plays a central role in these rituals, helping the Bombo enter a trance and bridge the gap between the physical and ethereal worlds. These acts are not just for healing; they are also for the collective renewal of the community’s spiritual strength.

One of the most captivating aspects of Tamang shamanism is pho wang lung (magical flight), where the Bombo journeys into the spirit realm. These flights aren’t chaotic or uncontrolled like the visions of novices; they are deliberate, clear, and purposeful. The Bombo uses incense and spirit invocations to guide their soul through the unseen world, retrieving lost knowledge or souls and bringing blessings to the community. These journeys symbolize the Bombo’s mastery over the spiritual forces that govern their world, and they represent a deep understanding of the interconnectedness of all things.

Tamang mythology tells the story of Dunjur Bon, the first shaman, who fell from the celestial realms after a confrontation with Guru Pema, the first lama. This fall marks the beginning of duality in the world—dividing the pure, primordial time of thungsa from the earthly, cyclical nature of kesa. Dunjur Bon’s descent is seen as the birth of the shaman’s role as a mediator between these two worlds—one ethereal, the other physical. The shaman’s task is to navigate this duality, healing, guiding, and restoring balance to both realms. This myth perfectly encapsulates the Tamang understanding of the world, where everything is interconnected, and the boundaries between realms are fluid.

Yet, it’s impossible to ignore the influence of other religious traditions, especially Buddhism and Hinduism, on Tamang shamanism. Hindu deities like Shiva and Kali have found their place in Tamang rituals, while Buddhist concepts like karma and rebirth shape ceremonies for the departed. Tantric practices have also left their mark, particularly in the use of mantras and the belief in energy centers akin to chakras. This syncretism has enriched Tamang shamanism, but it has also led to shamanism being marginalized as a “primitive” practice.

For modern Tamangs, shamanism is a powerful link to their ancestral roots, providing not only spiritual guidance but also a sense of identity. It continues to address the challenges of rural and semi-urban communities, offering healing and wisdom deeply tied to their worldview. Tamang shamanism, with its rich oral traditions and spiritual practices, ensures that the cultural heritage of the Tamang people will continue to thrive. The Bombo, in collaboration with the Tamba (or Ganba)—the traditional storytellers who preserve clan genealogies and cosmogonic myths—are the guardians of this sacred knowledge. Together, they protect and nurture the Tamang identity, ensuring that the wisdom of their ancestors is passed down for generations to come.

As healers, mediators, and cultural guardians, the Bombo exemplifies the enduring relevance of shamanism, answering humanity’s spiritual and existential needs. Preserving this tradition is not merely about safeguarding the past; it is about ensuring that the richness of the Tamang worldview endures—not only for their community but as an invaluable part of global cultural heritage. In a world of constant change, Tamang shamanism offers not only a vital framework for cultural survival but also a “decolonized perspective”—one that reimagines the world through a lens of spiritual interconnectedness, resilience, and ancestral wisdom.

The Black Lake & Two Snakes

Long ago, in the time when the earth still held its ancient magic, there lived a powerful Gole Bompo (Shaman) in a village snuggled beneath the towering Himalayas. The shaman and his wife were renowned for their deep knowledge of the spiritual world and their ability to communicate with the unseen spirits of the region. One day, they traveled to the shores of a Lake, a mysterious body of water that few dared approach.

As they stood by the lake, the shaman looked out over the water, and his sharp eyes caught sight of something strange—a rainbow arched across the surface, glimmering in the sunlight. But there was something more. Two giant snakes, their scales glistening like jewels, coiled together beneath the water, guarding a vast treasure of sparkling jewels.

“Look, wife,” said the shaman, his voice filled with amazement. “These snakes are the keepers of great wealth. But their treasure has been revealed to me. I will go down and conquer them.”

His wife looked at him, concern flickering in her eyes. “But the lake is deep, and those snakes are powerful. What if something goes wrong?”

“Do not fear,” he reassured her. “I am a Gole Bompo, and my powers are greater than anything these creatures possess. I will take their jewels and bring them to the surface. I will carry them on my shoulders, and we will be rich beyond our wildest dreams.”

His wife nodded, though her heart felt heavy. “Be careful, my love.”

The shaman placed a hand on her shoulder and spoke with firm confidence. “I will return, but you must not stop drumming. Keep the rhythm steady, no matter what you see or hear. If you stop, something terrible might happen.”

His wife gazed into his eyes, troubled but trusting. “I understand. I will keep drumming, no matter what.”

With those words, he stepped into the lake, his body sinking into the cool, dark water. His wife began to beat the drum, its rhythmic thudding echoing across the lake. Hour after hour passed, the steady sound of the drum filling the air. The shaman’s wife drummed with all her strength, her eyes fixed on the spot where her husband had disappeared.

Three hours passed. Then, just as the sun began to dip below the horizon, the water rippled, and the shaman’s figure emerged from the depths, dragging the two giant snakes behind him. Their glistening tails swished in the water, still submerged, but their bodies were draped over the shaman’s shoulders, their jaws snapping menacingly.

“Do not stop! Keep drumming!” the shaman shouted. His voice was strained but strong.

But the sight of the snakes, their eyes gleaming with fury, was too much for the wife. She trembled, her hands shaking as she gripped the drum. A wave of terror washed over her, and she missed several beats. Soon enough, the drum fell silent.

The moment the drumming ceased, the shaman’s power began to weaken. The snakes hissed, their bodies writhing violently in the water. With a force greater than any human could withstand, they turned and dragged the shaman back into the depths, their powerful coils pulling him down into the dark abyss.

Blood flowed from the shaman, staining the waters red as he was pulled beneath the surface. His wife stood frozen, her heart breaking as she heard his cries fade away. The water slowly returned to its eerie stillness, but it was forever changed. The once-clear lake had turned as black as night, the color of loss and despair.

From that day forward, the lake was known as Tsho Na, the Black Lake. And it is said that no Gole Bompo could resist its call, for the lake had claimed many people since that fateful day. One by one, they were drawn to its waters, as if the lake itself held a power that no man could resist.

The Vanishing Voices of the Himalayas

A year ago, while watching Dave Chappelle accept the Mark Twain Prize, I was struck by his moving reflection on the Griot, a figure central to West African oral tradition. Known as storytellers, musicians, and keepers of history, Griots are, in essence, cultural repositories, preserving myth, genealogy, and wisdom for future generations. Chappelle, with his characteristic insight, compared the loss of a Griot to the burning of a library. He said, “Everyone would tell a Griot the stories, and they would remember them all so that they could tell future generations. When they got old, they’d tell them to someone else. In Africa, when a Griot dies, it’s like a library was burned down.” This reminded me of the Tamba among the Tamang people or shamans who similarly carry ancestral knowledge and cultural memory, binding communities to their mythic past and cosmologies.

As each speaker of an indigenous language fades, entire systems of belief, cultural practices, and ancestral philosophies gradually move towards the brink of extinction. In an era increasingly shaped by Artificial Intelligence and the omnipresence of digital technologies, the ancient oral tradition and cultural connections face imminent erasure. With English treasured as a global lingua franca and Nepali as the primary language of national communication, native languages are worryingly marginalized. As more students flock to IELTS and PTE classes, the indigenous languages, once the conduits of collective memory, worldviews, and philosophies, now confront a profound crisis. This cultural amnesia signals the gradual erosion of identities and lifestyle intricately tied to language.

Dave Chappelle

Languages are vanishing at an alarming rate. It is the loss or eradication of centuries of culture, identity, and accumulated wisdom, a wide spectrum of human experience, that cannot be replaced. According to UNESCO’s Atlas of the World’s Languages in Danger, 576 languages are critically endangered, with thousands more at risk.

For many people, the loss of a language might seem like a natural part of an ever-changing world, an inevitable consequence of more dominant languages taking over. But this perspective overlooks something deeply significant. Language isn’t only meant for communication. It’s the thread that connects people to their ancestors, their customs, and the land they call home. When a language fades away, is it simply a shift in vocabulary or is it the loss of shared spirit, a unique identity, and the centuries-old stories that form the essence of a group or community?

Take the Sherpa language, for example. It’s intimately woven into the very fabric of the Himalayas. This language contains words that describe the vast mountain landscapes in ways no other tongue can. From the towering snow-covered ridges to the lush, hidden valleys, the Sherpa people understand the land at a level that is beyond the surface. Their language reflects this deep, unbreakable bond. Similarly, the languages of the Magar and Gurung people carry within them stories, spiritual beliefs, and concepts that link these communities to the land. In this way, language becomes a sacred vessel, holding the philosophies, myths, and rituals that have shaped these cultures for millennia. Through their words, the people of the Himalayas have preserved the very essence of their worldview.

UNESCO’s Atlas of the World’s Languages identifies 73 indigenous languages of the Himalayas as critically endangered. Among these vulnerable tongues are Athpariya with 5,878 speakers, Bahing with 6,547, Baaramu with 8,140, and Belhariya with a mere 599. Other languages facing a precarious future include Bodo-Mech (4,375 speakers), Bote-Majhi (8,766), Byangsi (480), and Chantyal (4,283). Even smaller communities such as Kagate with only 99 speakers, Kaike with 50, Kharia with 238, and Kudmali with 227 face inevitable extinction. Other endangered languages include Dura (2,156 speakers), Jerung (1,763), Lhomi (808), Lohrung (3,716), and Raute (391). Each of these languages represents a rich yet fragile cultural heritage on the verge of vanishing.

What most people don’t realize is that language holds a wealth of knowledge about the natural world. It carries insights that can’t be found in textbooks or research papers. The Khambu Rai language, for instance, has words for medicinal plants and herbs that only grow in their mountainous environment. These plants form the foundation of the Rai people’s traditional healing practices, knowledge that has been passed down through generations of shamans and healers. Similarly, the Limbu language contains intricate details about seasonal cycles, agricultural practices, and the ever-changing landscape of the Himalayas. This wisdom has been honed over thousands of years and is inextricably tied to the survival of these communities.

Beyond practical knowledge, these languages also carry exceptional ways of thinking. Take the Magar or Tamang languages, which possess complex systems of tense and relational markers. These structures provide a nuanced understanding of time, space, and human relationships. They shape how speakers experience the world and navigate their lives. In these languages, the words encode emotions, social bonds, and even spiritual beliefs in ways that global languages like Nepali or English simply cannot.

Despite efforts by social organizations and cultural groups to protect these languages, progress remains limited. Few language classes attract more than a handful of students, and the publication of dictionaries hasn’t translated into a comprehensive preservation strategy. While these efforts offer a glimmer of hope, they fall short of the coordinated action needed to secure the future of these endangered languages. Granted, dictionaries are valuable for preserving vocabulary, but they can’t fully capture the depth and richness of a language.

The languages of the Himalayas are deeply embedded in oral traditions, their stories, songs, rituals, and myths passed down through generations by word of mouth. These oral traditions hold vast amounts of knowledge about spiritual beliefs, historical events, and the environment. They simply cannot be captured in writing. Though some of this knowledge can be recorded, much of it lives in the spoken word, the tone, the rhythm, the pauses, the expressions, that simply cannot be transcribed into dictionaries. Furthermore, many of these languages lack a formal written script, and even where a script exists, it is often unfamiliar or inaccessible to younger generations.

In 2005, the National Foundation for Development of Indigenous Nationalities (NFDIN) organized a seminar in Kathmandu to address the preservation and promotion of Nepal’s indigenous languages. Three key research papers presented during the event highlighted various strategies for language revitalization.

First, Yadava and Turin (2005) examined the linguistic landscape of Nepal, advocating for campaigns to raise the prestige of endangered indigenous languages by promoting their inclusion in education and literacy programs. Watters and Rai (2005) focused on mother-tongue education, asserting its importance as both a fundamental right and a means for deeper societal participation, which resonates with Rice’s (2018) perspective on language vitality. Finally, Watters and Tuladhar (2005) outlined a framework to foster coordination among national and international agencies, emphasizing collaborative efforts to support language preservation initiatives.

The preservation of Himalayan languages requires a calls for an active, community-centered approach to keep these languages alive. This involves integrating these languages into daily life through teaching, community engagement, and, crucially, preserving the oral traditions that carry cultural meaning. Documenting songs, stories, and rituals captures the language within its rich cultural framework, ensuring that its essence is preserved alongside the words. Community-driven language schools and cultural programs should be supported to teach these languages to younger generations, incorporating storytelling, customs, and practices that are inseparable from the language itself.

In today’s digital age, technology offers powerful tools to support this mission. Creating digital platforms, mobile apps, and audio and video resources could enable speakers and learners to interact with these languages in accessible and engaging ways, helping to build cultural pride and connection. However, true preservation also hinges on government and institutional support. National and local governments must recognize the urgency of this situation and commit to backing these efforts, from integrating language education into school curricula to funding cultural initiatives. A holistic preservation strategy requires this crucial institutional support, making language preservation a shared responsibility and a continued commitment.

As the world changes and the forces of globalization continue to shape the future, language preservation is an act of resilience, a commitment to justice across generations, and a defense of our collective intellectual heritage. The languages of the Himalayas, and of indigenous cultures everywhere, must be kept alive, intertwined with the lives of those who speak them, not just preserved in books or recordings. The loss of a language is the loss of a soul. So, as Dave Chappelle would put it, let us rise to protect these “libraries” before they’re lost forever.

Kachhalā Pyākhan : Fusion of Animism and Tradition

Each year, as autumn deepens and the ancient courtyards of Patan brace for the approach of winter, a timeless tradition comes to life- the Kachhalā Pyākhan, widely known as Kartik Naach. This is a profound cultural and religious ritual that intricately weaves together Newar myth, folklore, and history. Today, this vibrant tradition has blossomed into a powerful symbol of Patan’s timeless cultural identity, its continued vitality serving as a testament to the Newar community’s remarkable ability to preserve age-old customs while adapting to the complexities of modern life.

The origins of Kachhalā Pyākhan trace back to the 17th century, during the reign of King Siddhi Narsingha Malla, although some argue that its roots stretch even further into the past. Yet, it is impossible to overlook the undeniable connection between Kachhalā Pyākhan and the cultural sway of the Malla kings, whose patronage of the arts was instrumental in forging the distinct Newar cultural identity we recognize today.

The ritualistic dance performance (Pyākhan) may trace its form to a pre-Hindu, pre-Buddhist shamanic tradition, rooted in a chthonic understanding where members of a particular social cluster (Guthi) invoke ancestral and protective deities. Through honoring their territorial deities (Agam Dya) and tutelary deities (Dugu dya), they seek to consecrate and reaffirm their deep connection to the land. This ritualistic invocation, while aligning with the Hindu concept of Leela and the Buddhist Charya Nritya/Cham, creates a sacred affiliation to their terrain, forming a core element in how they define and relate to their living space. Thus, Kachhalā Pyākhan, can also be viewed a cultural ritual that transforms Patan’s public spaces into sacred arenas. By performing this dance-drama in the heart of Patan, the Newars reinforce a powerful connection to place and community, highlighting the territorial significance embedded in Newar identity.

In broader cultural terms, the Newars of the Kathmandu valley have long preserved this practice of mapping and sanctifying their living spaces through ritual performance. These rituals, covered in myth, animistic practices, and Buddhist and Hindu elements, redefine local spaces into protective, spiritual domains. Therefore, Kachhala Pyakhan isn’t simply a historical or religious tradition but a continuous assertion of cultural and territorial identity that helps define the Newars as distinctly ‘localized’ and ‘territorial.’

The performance was originally a two-day event centered on the religious stories of the Hindu God Vishnu, drawn from the Harivamsa Purana and the Mahabharata. Initially, it’s intention was both educational and devotional but over time, successive rulers of Patan expanded the event, transforming it into a month-long dramatic cycle, which also included sub-events that satirized contemporary social and political issues. Performed during the month of Kartik—the eighth month of the Hindu lunar calendar that usually falls in October or November—the festival coincides with the harvest season, making it a time of celebration, thanksgiving, and spiritual renewal.

The performance takes place on the Kartik Dabali, an elevated platform next to the Krishna Mandir in Patan Durbar Square. Here, participants, mostly from the Newar community, come together to enact the mythological narratives through colorful costumes, rhythmic drumming, and complex dance movements. The performance becomes a ritual of communal participation, bringing together dancers, musicians, and ritual specialists to animate divine stories. This communal aspect of the event not only underscores the collective identity of the Newars but also highlights the deep interconnection between their land, religious devotion and cultural expression.

At the core of Kachhalā Pyākhan lies the mythology of the Vishnu, whose avatars, particularly Narasimha, are brought to life through dramatic dance. This sacred dance, particularly the portrayal of Narasimha’s divine intervention, resonates with a deeper animistic dimension, where the human performers do not merely play roles but become vessels or mediums for divine power. The embodiment of the gods through dance allows for the communication of sacred knowledge, strengthening the bond between the community and the divine. The real-life effects of this sacred invocation are felt in the performance itself as the performers, through their embodiment of the deities, bring the sacred into the realm of the living, ensuring the cosmic order is maintained through the ritual.

In this sense, Kartik Naach can be seen as an intensely animistic ritual, where the boundary between the human and the divine is fluid, and the gods are not mere abstractions but active participants in the lives of the people. The dance, music, and rituals do not simply retell ancient stories—they invite the divine to enter a physical space, allowing the gods to communicate their will through the movements of the performers. This ritual interaction with the divine evokes a shamanic quality, where the performers act as mediators between the human realm and the spiritual world. Their bodies become conduits for the sacred, channeling divine power and infusing the community with blessings and protection.

The symbolic use of dance (pyakhan), mask (khwapa), and sacred ritual is further amplified through what seems to be a tantric practice. These practices associated with the performance introduce layers of mysticism, where specific rituals—such as the symbolic death and revival of Hiranyakashipu (the demon king)—are enacted with profound realism. The enactment of Hiranyakashipu’s unconscious state, followed by his revival through the ritualistic use of water from the Manga Hiti spout, creates a powerful imagery of life, death, and rebirth. This dramatic cycle symbolizes not only the mythological triumph of good over evil but also the community’s belief in the cyclical nature of existence, where death is not an end but a transition back to life.

This animistic and shamanic dimension of Kachhala Pyakhan is further emphasized through its connection to the broader spectrum of Newar rituals, which often include spirits, ghosts, and supernatural forces. Much like shamans who communicate with spirits to maintain harmony in their communities, the performers of Kachhala Pyakhan invite divine forces into the ritual space, ensuring the cosmic balance between the earthly and spiritual realms is maintained. This convergence of myth, ritual, and divine intervention is a central feature of Newar culture, where the spiritual is never separated from the social and cultural fabric of everyday life. The mythological figures, through their dance and dramatic enactment, are not passive representations but actively shape the world around them, guiding the community’s understanding of morality, history, and identity.

Kachhalā Pyākhan carries profound cultural significance, as it embodies the values of the Newar community, particularly in its ability to blend religious devotion with critical social commentary. This component of the dance illustrates the ability to balance reverence with practicality, offering both spiritual and societal lessons in one unified performance. The interactions between these characters often employ humor, satire, and folklore to deliver moral lessons that resonate with contemporary social issues, showcasing the Newar people’s capacity to engage critically with their own traditions while preserving the sacred narratives that form the bedrock of their identity.

Kartik Naach’s continued relevance accentuates the resilience of Newar culture. Despite the modernizing forces of globalization and technological advancements, the ritual’s core—the communal gathering, the sacred space, the embodied myth—remains unchanged. However, this continuity is not static as it reflects a dynamic adaptation of traditional practices to the needs and realities of the present. This adaptation can be seen in the evolving organizational structures of the event, which now rely on community-based organizations rather than royal patronage, yet still maintain the core principles of religious and cultural devotion.

The historical and political aspects of Kachhalā Pyākhan are deeply intertwined with the social dynamics of its time, revealing layers of animistic roots that permeate its performance. Originally, it functioned as a tool for asserting royal power and prestige, with the Malla kings using it not only as entertainment but as a form of political propaganda to reinforce their authority. The performance became an embodiment of the sacred connection between the rulers and the land, invoking deities to protect the kingdom and its people. Over time, it absorbed satirical elements that critiqued the prevailing political and social climate, evolving into a platform for public discourse. While the overt political messages may have faded, the ritual’s animistic underpinnings remain intact, continuing to express the tensions between tradition and modernity—especially as it faces contemporary challenges. The animistic practice of invoking spirits and deities continues to infuse the performance, grounding it in an ongoing conversation between the past and present.

In contemporary society, Kachhalā Pyākhan stands as a living archive of Newar culture, history, and collective memory—its very essence rooted in animism. Each reenactment of the performance is not merely a theatrical retelling but a ritual of transmission, where the physicality of dance, music, and dramatic depiction carries ancestral myths, beliefs, and values from one generation to the next. This sacred act reaffirms the Newars’ spiritual bond with their ancestors, deities, and the land they inhabit. Through the ritual’s animistic lens, every movement, gesture, and song invokes the presence of spirits and ancestral forces, highlighting a territorial connection to the physical space. Thus, Kachhala Pyakhan is not just a performance; it is a vital mechanism through which Newar identity and territoriality are continuously asserted.

As such, it serves as a dynamic medium of cultural expression, where folklore and myth are not stagnant relics of the past, but lively traditions that adapt and evolve according to the needs and concerns of the present. This animistic ritual thrives as a participatory event, shaping the social, cultural, and religious landscape of Patan and the Kathmandu Valley. Through its vivid dance, music, and storytelling, Kachhalā Pyākhan bridges the past and present, reiterating the sacred bond between the Newar people, their ancestors, and the land they live upon. In this way, the performance endorses the enduring relevance of tradition, demonstrating how animistic practices can preserve and adapt cultural heritage for future generations.