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Author: Pradeep Rai

Pradeep Rai is a writer, ethnographer, and educator exploring the cultures, histories, and worldviews of Himalayan tribes. His work combines careful research with reflective storytelling, bringing the legacies and traditions of the Himalayas to life for readers.

Shamans of the Tamu Gurung People

When one closely observes the shamanic world of the Gurung people, the first aspect likely to emerge is a taxonomy of ritual specialists that are distinct in function yet deeply enmeshed in the social order of the community. This is the triadic structure of the Pachyu, Khlepree (or Gyabri), and Bonpo Lama, shamans whose spiritual authority permeates the social, moral, spiritual, and cosmological order of the Tamu Gurung life.

Although the Gurungs mostly follow Buddhism today, they have preserved an unbroken tradition grounded in their primordial customs that preserve the memory of an older cosmology. This spiritual worldview clearly predates the monasteries and mantras of the later faith. The precise timeline when the Gurungs of Central Nepal turned toward Buddhism is unclear, but what remains undeniable is their loyalty to that ancestral vision as they continue to retain a vivid, layered shamanic tradition where nature and humanity, the living and the departed, move together to help retain ancestral memory and ethnic identity.

In part, these enduring traditions find their expression in the rituals of the Gurung shamans themselves, whose practices are meant to ensure a connection between the visible world of the living and the vast unseen realm of spirits and ancestors.

Beyond ritual and custom, the Gurung shamanic complex embodies a broader anthropological principle. The reciprocal entanglement of cosmology, and social organization are all ritual sequences that open up as a site of healing and instruction. It transforms into a performative space where gesture and chant become a medium of discourse between human and spirit, and ancestor and descendant. For both the ethnographer and the attentive witness, Gurung shamanism, thus becomes a living epistemology that consistently demonstrates that ancestral wisdom is perpetually renewed and rendered relevant across generations.

At the heart of this Gurung world of rituals stands the Pachyu, the animist Shaman. He mediates across the porous boundary between the physical and the spiritual, and is generally revered as healer, diviner, and custodian of balance. The Pachyu’s vocation is typically lineage-bound, passed through generational ritual authority, where a child grows under the steady beat of Shamanic chants and drumbeats. Through trance and invocation, the Pachyu is expected to confront afflictions attributed to the intrusion of Ra Lung (restless spirits), Sa Lung, (the wandering of the soul), or the wrath of La Tung (local deities), restoring equilibrium to the afflicted and to the moral order of the community itself.

While performing healing rituals, the Pachyu employs various rites. From soul retrieval to spirit negotiation, or invoking compassion-driven helper spirits of the phu-rhin (higher world) and sam-rhin (lower realms), their functions are both curative and spiritual.

Apart from ritual solemnities, they also act as social mediators in domestic disputes, interpret omens, and guide life-cycle rituals such as birth and marriages. Within Gurung society, the position of the Pachyu is largely hereditary, and is confined to a few clans or thars known for their animistic practice. This continuity reflects the prevalence of a clan-based system through which sacred knowledge and ritual authority have been carefully preserved across generations.   

Khlepree or Ghyabri are shamans who are particularly associated with the Pae or Arghum, the multi-day funerary ritual performed to escort the departed soul safely to the Land of the Ancestors (Mithen). Central to the entire ritual is the phase known as Rhiteba, a performative rite where an effigy of the deceased, often a bamboo frame dressed in the deceased’s clothing, becomes a conduit for the soul or spirit. The Khlepree, accompanied by rhythmic drumming and the clash of large brass cymbals, leads a sacred dance around the effigy. This could be viewed as an appeasement to the soul to release its attachment to the world of the living.

He recites long epic narratives that chart the soul’s journey to the ancestral realm. His chants, called Phepung, are dense with mythic imagery and genealogical memory, as he evokes the origins of the world and the descent of ancestors. To speak them rightly is to renew the community’s link to its divine beginnings, thus making the Khlepree a true keeper of the Tamu oral tradition.

The Bonpo Lama, while less visible in everyday healing, represents the syncretic heritage of Gurung ritual life. Descended from pre-Buddhist Bonpo traditions, though often integrated into contemporary Buddhist system, these priests recite the Pe or Pye-Tan Lu-Tan. These are orally transmitted sacred texts that encode cosmological narratives and mythic genealogies. The ritual language is deliberately archaic, occasionally opaque to lay Gurung speakers, which usually gives the Bonpo the sacred authority of the officiant, while preserving an intangible heritage that bridges the past and present.

In Gurung culture, shamans acquire their sacred knowledge through either lineage, tutelage (under an experienced practitioner), or through spontaneous spiritual revelation in youth. While the capacity to perceive and interact with spirits is considered an innate or divinely awakened gift, often signaled by ancestral calling or life-changing experiences, the practical dimension of shamanic knowledge can only be cultivated through meticulous apprenticeship.

Young initiates, born into shamanic families, begin by observing and participating in rituals alongside elders, memorizing sacred chants, learning the sequence of ceremonies, and mastering the use of ritual instruments. Over time, they develop the ability to channel divine forces and negotiate with spirits. Soon, they are able to internalize the spiritual and symbolic dimensions of ritual, gradually refining their latent shamanic capacity.

For those without shamanic lineage, entry into the Gurung tradition begins with the selection of a teacher, on a full moon day, and the establishment of a formal apprenticeship marked by a humble offering. The student may live with the teacher, assisting with daily tasks while dedicating evenings to learning chants and ritual practice. Over the course of five or six years, the apprentice accompanies the teacher during different ceremonies. He is expected to observe rituals and learn the technical dimensions of the vocation. When deemed ready to “carry the load,” the student masters the three-day Pae ceremony. This rite culminates in the physically and spiritually demanding task of dragging a sacrificial goat in a precise sequence while surrounded by other shamans and veiled mourners. Successful completion affirms mastery of ritual knowledge and composure, marking the apprentice’s initiation as a fully recognized Shaman capable of serving the community.

Observation of Gurung shamanic rites reveals an orchestrated interplay of sound and movement. Drums and cymbals remain the most important tools while other ritual paraphernalia, like umbrellas and ceremonial shields, demarcate sacred space and manifest the cosmological order where spirits and humans meet. Offerings of goats, roosters, rice, and local liquor function as deliberate gestures of mediation. These play a significant role in appeasing spirits, honoring ancestors, and restoring social and spiritual equilibrium. Each element carries multiple layers of symbolism during the rite.

Perception of shamans within Gurung society is nuanced. They have the utmost respect as custodians of sacred knowledge and mediators of misfortune. However, their practices coexist on the sidelines of the Buddhist and Hindu belief systems. Nonetheless, a majority of the Gurungs may attend Buddhist ceremonies and Hindu festivals but the shamanic rites persist as essential, particularly in matters concerning death, illness, and the unseen forces that structure daily life.

The sociocultural role of Gurung shamans extends well beyond the effectiveness of their rituals. By mediating relationships between humans, spirits, and the natural environment, they help uphold communal norms as well as the transmission of knowledge. Their presence reflects both continuity and resilience, demonstrating a Tamu Gurung worldview in which the physical and spiritual realms are closely connected. In the context of globalization, the persistence of Gurung shamanic tradition ultimately highlights the strength of indigenous knowledge systems and the continuing importance of ritual in maintaining social cohesion and community well-being.

Animism is not Primitive

I had always heard of the term animism. Throughout my years learning about my own culture and comparing it with other indigenous traditions across the Himalayas, this word kept appearing in books, articles, and lectures. Scholars and culture enthusiasts used it freely. Some found it fascinating while others dismissed it as archaic. Yet I could not help but wonder, if this word truly captures the essence of our belief system? And if it does, is it really relevant?

The term animism was first coined in 1720 by the German doctor G. E. Stahl to describe a medical idea that the soul directed the processes of the body. Over a century later, the anthropologist Edward Burnett Tylor reimagined the term in a broader cultural frame, describing it as the essence of all religions. Tylor viewed animism as the earliest human attempt to make sense of the world, a tentative, imperfect science, an effort to explain life, the difference between the living and the non-living, the human and the divine.

In modern parlance, however, the definition of animism has evolved. As research has deepened, scholars now describe it as the belief that within ordinary, visible, tangible bodies there exists an invisible, intangible being: the soul or spirit. Each culture has its own distinctive animistic beings and its own elaboration of what the soul is and how it interacts with the world. This perspective moves beyond Tylor’s simplistic definition of animism.

In the Himalayas, this definition is remarkably appropriate. Among cultures rooted in Shamanism, people believe in divine spirits inhabiting natural landscapes, guardian entities that watch over human settlements, and invisible divine forces described in mythology. Himalayan animism is deeply intertwined with the way these communities perceive the world. However, when compared with the philosophy of organized religions, their theological scriptures, melodic hymns, and grand rituals, animism can seem, at first glance, archaic. A larger, more persistent question then emerges. Is animism really primitive?

Let us first understand the word ‘primitive’. From an etymological standpoint, the word primitive comes from the Latin primus, meaning “early” or “first.” Over time, however, its meaning became derogatory. By the nineteenth century, it had acquired a hierarchical meaning, used to describe societies that European scholars believed existed at an earlier stage of human development. This language gradually shaped how indigenous belief systems, including animism, were perceived, as remnants of a less rational and evolved humanity.

Although modern scholars no longer equate primitive with inferiority, the term still lingers in subtle ways. Many tribal or indigenous societies continue to be labeled as primitive, and this notion often becomes one of the criteria for defining a “tribe.” In fact, the very word tribe itself can carry connotations of being regressive. This reveals how deeply these colonial hierarchies of thought persist in modern discourse. The word primitive, thoroughly colonial in its making, continues to carry the popular undertone of being “not modern.” In light of this prevailing understanding of the word, it becomes worthwhile to examine whether animism can truly be called primitive.

If we view animism merely as a shaman shaking to the beat of a ritual drum, we do the term a grave disservice. At its core, Animism is a worldview. It is a way of seeing existence as an indivisible whole. It does not split life into subjects and objects, and understands the world through relationships. Every form of being participates in a network of connection and reciprocity. This perspective finds prominence across the Himalayan region. The Kirati Khambu honor Honkumaang, the river spirit, and Thampungmang, the hunter spirit. The Jirel recognize Phu, the mountain spirit, and Nagu, the river spirit. The Magar people respect Bhume, the earth spirit, and Masto, protective ancestral spirits. The Gurung pay homage to their ancestral mother, and Ghyang, the nature spirits. Across this Himalayan worldview, countless other spirits inhabit rivers, forests, and peaks, reminding us that the natural world is inseparable from human life, and that our existence is merely a small part of the expansive whole.

This is what anthropologists Nurit Bird-David and Tim Ingold describe as a relational epistemology. It is a way of knowing that arises through participation. Bird-David explores this idea in her influential essay “Animism Revisited: Personhood, Environment, and Relational Epistemology”, while Ingold expands on it in his book The Perception of the Environment: Essays on Livelihood, Dwelling and Skill (2000). Both argue that animism is not a primitive misunderstanding of the world, but a sophisticated philosophy of relationship. It is a way of being that recognizes the self only through its connection to others, human and non-human alike.

This concept of relational epistemology represents a deeply sophisticated understanding of how knowledge is born. In the animistic worldview, knowledge arises from participation and relationship. A shaman or the tribes learn from nature by listening or engaging with its flow and entering into dialogue with its spirits. This kind of knowing demands attentiveness and reciprocity. Today, different domains, such as, ecology, phenomenology, and environmental philosophy are being developed through this very concept.  Relational epistemology recognizes that humans are not separate from their surroundings and all sentient beings are a part of a living continuum. It is an alternative view that seeks harmony rather than domination.

Animism invites us to see that consciousness and agency as not confined to humans alone. In this worldview, mountains, rivers, forests, and animals are living presences, capable of acting, responding, and shaping the world around them. A river can protect or punish, a forest can guide or withhold, and a mountain can command attention and respect. This is far from superstition, as it resonates with contemporary ecological and philosophical insights. Thinkers like Bruno Latour (Reassembling the Social, 2005) and Philippe Descola (Beyond Nature and Culture, 2013) describe this as distributed agency. The ability to influence, and sustain the environment is shared across humans and non-humans alike. Animism, in this sense, presents a subtle and sophisticated ontology and it dissolves the rigid boundaries between subject and object, to see life as an interconnected web of beings.

Furthermore, animism offers a sophisticated metaphysics of life and death. In this worldview, death is simply a transformation as the spirit endures, taking on new forms within the world. This perspective requires a subtle understanding of continuity, evolution, embodiment, and, in some sense, spirituality. Even though it does not dwell on theological speculations or scientific notions of nothingness, it offers a distinct way of knowing, that combines spiritual and ecological truths into a cohesive understanding of life. Life and death are part of an ongoing cycle. This dynamic interplay in which humans, animals, plants, and even the landscapes themselves participate, contributes to the evolution and continuity of being.

Animistic thought is also based in careful observation of the patterns and cycles in the natural world. It constitutes an empirical system of active participation and attentive engagement. Cultivated over generations, indigenous ecological knowledge, has often proven more sustainable and resilient than industrial scientific practices. In this sense, animism develops alongside science to form a distinct epistemology grounded in experience and relationships with the world. Its sophistication emerges from participation and a deep understanding of life’s patterns.

Thus, would it be fair to call animism primitive? In the Himalayas, we are not immune to Western thought and ideology. Subtle colonial lenses still influence the way we interpret the world, and the comforts we enjoy are often the fruit of Western science and innovation. But to dismiss animism as primitive is to misunderstand its depth. Animism is neither a relic of the past nor an exclusively Eastern concept, just as modernity is not purely Western. Both are frameworks for engaging with the world. Both are equally capable of revealing truths.

Animism, thus, is about perception. It helps us see the world as a dynamic network of relationships. It teaches harmony and reciprocity, and certainly compatible with scientific understanding. Even if we set aside personified spirits prevalent in indigenous tribal beliefs, animism reminds us that nature is alive and intelligent. Its spirits represent transformation, balance, the power to nurture, challenge, and forgive. In recognizing this, we move beyond ourselves as the center of the universe, and learn to acknowledge that everything around us carries essence. Whether we call it spirit, soul, energy, consciousness, or something else is a matter of personal reflection.

The Boy the Mountains Remembered

They say that long ago, the Sunuwar Koits of Sanalu village used to hunt in the high forests of Chordam. Those were wild days. The mountains were quiet but alive, and men followed the deer into the clouds.

Among the hunters was a young Sunuwar Koits man, tall, quick with his bow, and fearless in the dark. One morning, while chasing a wounded stag, he lost his way and came down to a village called Dunge. There, smoke curled from the roofs, and a young Sherpa woman stood by the stream washing grain.

The hunter greeted her,

“Amaile, can you show me the path to the ridges of Chordam?”

The woman looked up, smiled faintly, and said,

“If you are lost once in these hills, stranger, the spirits will keep you here. Best you stay till dawn.”

So he stayed. Days passed, and the mountains forgot the sound of his bow. Before long, love grew between them, quiet and deep as the forest itself.

One season later, the Sherpa woman gave birth to a son. She waited for the hunter to return. Each dawn she lit a small fire and said softly,

“If he remembers me, the wind will bring him back.”

But the wind only carried silence.

When the time came to name her child, she gathered juniper branches, burned them, and bathed herself in their fragrant smoke.

“Let this smoke take away all that is unclean,” she whispered, “and may my son walk with clear heart and strong breath.”

She named him Nandare, after the wind that had once brushed her cheek when the hunter first spoke her name.

Years later, a Tibetan lama passed through the valley. He saw the boy playing by the stream and said,

“This child carries a light I have seen only in high places. Let me raise him; he will learn the words of the mountains.”

The mother bowed her head.

“If you take him, Lama-la, teach him to remember me, not by face, but by the smoke of juniper.”

The lama nodded and took Nandare to Jiri, where he grew into a wise and kind man. From his line, it is said, came the Nan Jirel clan, children of a Sunuwar father and a Sherpa mother, mountain-born, wind-named, and forever tied to the scent of juniper smoke.

A Tree for the Departed

Many years ago, when my grandfather passed away, the ancestral house in Ghaiyabari, near Kurseong, filled with quiet sorrow. People gathered from nearby villages, women sat close together, weeping in hushed tones, while the men spoke softly of his life, his integrity, and his small but steady kindnesses. The rites were performed in the old way, with rice grains, and ritual speeches that had passed unchanged through generations. When it was time, we carried his body to the edge of the nearby forest, a sacred patch of land that belonged to our family, where my grandmother and uncle had also been buried.

The Khambu Rai people have always practiced burials, though I recall a few exceptions, cases where individuals had embraced the Hindu way of life, and were cremated according to it’s customs. But my grandfather, a devout Kirati Khambu to his final breath, would have chosen no other path but a proper burial, rooted in our traditions. I had never visited that part of our land before. It lay deep within the property, dense with undergrowth, past the cardamom fields, across a narrow stream and a stretch of muddy terrain, where weeds grew wild. Among Rai families in the hills, there are no designated cemeteries. The dead are returned to the very soil they once tilled and walked and spoke to. Perhaps that is where the soul feels most at home.

When the rituals ended, five full days of chants, offerings, and sleepless vigils, a concrete tombstone was raised over his resting place, his name and age etched neatly upon it. At the time, it felt ordinary, almost expected. Yet over the years, I have found myself questioning whether this act truly belonged to our way of life. Traditions may shift with generations, but philosophies endure. And so I am left to wonder if, within the Khambu understanding of the world, the idea of claiming a fixed space upon the earth was ever truly ours.

In recent years, I have noticed how tombstones have quietly become the norm among the Rai people. Without much reflection, many have begun to mark burial sites with concrete or marble slabs, what we call Kapur, as if permanence could grant dignity to the dead. These graves, framed in cement or adorned with polished tiles, have become familiar across the hills. Yet, I often wonder whether this practice actually belongs to our lineage. Even in Nepal, especially in the Jhapa and Morang regions, where British rule never reached, similar tombstones have appeared. To me, these feel like later additions, the quiet inheritance of Christian or colonial influence, rather than a continuation of our ancestral ways.

In truth, a Khambu Rai grave is never meant to defy the seasons or the rain. It is a quiet affair, built to return gently to the earth rather than stand against it. A simple layer of clay is spread over the burial mound. The Khaling Rai dig a pit and cover it with bamboo lattice and straw to make a tomb-house known as Salamkam. While building this tomb-house, the side near the feet of the deceased is made slightly lower, and the side near the head a little higher, so that even in death, the body seems to rest in a natural slope of the land. Upon this chamber, the deceased’s personal items are placed, his walking stick, bamboo basket (doko), and other items.

Among the Kulung Rai people, if a person passes before the age of fifteen, a white mourning cloth, is tied in the names of two female relatives. For those older, four names are invoked, and the cloth remains above the grave for three months, bound between pairs of bamboo poles that sway softly with the breeze. This piece of fabric carries the weight of remembrance. The Khaling Rai grave-house is left standing, but the Kulung, after a year, dismantle it and mark the site with simple stones. This task is performed by two men known as Khamphochim, those believed to be untouched by spirits. When death comes by misfortune, the Chihan Ghar is taken down that very day, a humble gesture to restore balance between the seen and unseen worlds. Nowhere in these rituals lies the intent to immortalize the dead through monuments of stone. The Khambu grave, like the body it holds, must yield to rain and time, returning to soil, merging with the earth, and becoming life once more.

Among the Thulung Kirat Rai, burial is a deeply sacred, highly structured practice, guided by the type of death and the wisdom of the Shaman and the elders. Temporary structures, bamboo markers, and ritual objects are placed around the grave, and prayers are recited for the well-being of both the living and the departed. Even when children die or deaths occur unnaturally, the practices adapt, guiding the spirit without permanent monuments. In all of these customs, there is no notion of raising a tombstone or creating a permanent marker; the rituals emphasize spiritual guidance and ancestral connection rather than concrete memorials.

Why, then, have we come to set cold stones above our dead? If the Khambu Rai people are meant to live by the way of Sumnima (the divine earth-mother spirit), why seek permanence in marble or concrete, when our philosophy calls for harmony with the ever-turning cycles of nature? In life, we partake of the earth’s generosity, drawing nourishment from its fields and forests. In death, we are meant to give it back, to dissolve quietly into the soil that sustained us.

Reverence in Khambu Rai culture is expressed through the Samkhalung, the sacred hearthstone, where our forebears’ spirits linger, quietly watching over the living and guiding the household with gentle wisdom. In contrast, tombstones are not part of this tradition; they mark a space, but they do not nurture the ongoing cycle of life. Would it not be more in keeping with our worldview to plant a tree above the burial mound, a living sentinel that grows, blossoms, and bears fruit? Through its roots, it nourishes the soil, drawing life from the same earth that once cradled the deceased, and in turn sustains new life. In this way, even in death, we maintain our dialogue with the earth, giving back more than we take.

In Khambu philosophical understanding, death is neither a final ending nor a reason for sorrow alone. It is a return, a transformation, a rejoining of the eternal cycle that binds all living beings. To mourn by erecting stones is to misread the philosophy we inherit. As Kirati Khambus, our reverence is expressed through life itself: by planting, by nurturing, by letting the earth bear witness and remember. In this way, the cycle continues, and the memory of those who have passed becomes inseparable from the living world they once walked.

I know that my vision may not dissolve the colonial mindset we have inherited for decades. People will continue building tombstones, just as they always have. Yet I am certain, somewhere, someone will be touched by the notion of staying true to our worldview, even as traditions evolve. If my grandfather, who lived and breathed the Khambu way, were to look upon my perspective, I believe he would have agreed. And in that quiet approval, perhaps the cycle of life and memory will find its truest expression, not in a tombstone, but in the living earth itself.

Balance and Belief in Thami Shamanism

As wisps of juniper smoke rise and spiral into the air, commencing the rite, Thami shamans begin the solemn recitation of the Palakhe, the verbal journey that lies at the heart of their ritual tradition. This oral incantation opens with the community’s cosmogony, as they evoke the primordial divine spirits Ya’apa and Sunari Ama, whose union shaped both the contours of the earth and the foundations of Thami culture. From this mythic origin, the narrative flows into the advent of agriculture and the establishment of ritual practice. Far more than ceremonial repetition, these verses serve as a bridge that binds the living to the ancestral, affirming continuity across generations. Additionally, in Thami culture, Palakhe is also significant as it asserts a worldview in which spiritual, ecological, and social harmony must be actively maintained.

Alongside the oral chants of Palakhe, are the primordial deities. Thami cosmology includes a rich pantheon of nature spirits that embody the elements and ancestral forces that define their reality. Among these, the earth spirit Bhume occupies a central place, honored as both origin and sustainer of life. Thami shamans, revered as Guru Apa / Guru Bon or Guru Ama serve as mediators between these invisible forces and physical world. Their ritual journey begins with the resonant invocation “Sango! Sango! Sango!” a chant whose precise translation may elude ordinary language but whose function is unmistakable. Known as the Khola Dabla, this begins the summoning, a declaration of sacred attention, an utterance that defines the transition from the ordinary to the mythic. Spoken in binomials, with memory, and often divine guidance, it signals the opening of the ritual space where myth and reality intermingle, and the ancestral world is brought into the present.

Thami Shaman Guru Apa

Within the Thami spiritual landscape, there exists a distinction between two types of shamans, who both fulfill a unique role and are held in equal regard. The first is the ritual healer, a practitioner endowed with the ability to summon divine forces, conduct divination, and guide the afflicted through illness or spiritual imbalance. Using a Takey, the ritual drum, they enter a state of vibrational trance through which they communicate with spirits, perform séances, and mediate between the human and nonhuman worlds. In contrast, the second type of shaman does not engage in healing nor usually rely on drums. These figures are clan-bound ritual officiants, individuals touched directly by ancestral spirits. They are self-realized, self-learned, and serve as conduits for the voice of the ancestors during clan-specific ceremonies.

One of the most striking features of Thami ritual life is the expansive role played by the shaman. In many Himalayan communities, rituals that do not require direct mediation with the spirit world are typically conducted by lay elders. These are usually respected figures who have inherited procedural knowledge and know the proper formality of ancestral practice. But among the Thami, the shaman stands at the center of nearly all ceremonial life. Far beyond the role of healer, the Shaman officiates rites of passage from the first naming ceremony (Nwaran) to the final death rites (Mumphra or Mamphra). Their presence is noted even in marriage rituals (Bore), though their role there is more restrained. It is in the worship of the tutelary deity Nem Dewa, and during Bhume, observed during the biannual transitions of Ubhauli and Udhauli, that their authority becomes unmistakable. Here too, the shaman becomes the officiant as they regulate the ritual cosmos, ensuring that the unseen forces of the spirit world remain in harmony with the seasonal and social cycles of the human world.

Thami shamanic rituals are marked by their intensity, duration, and the immersive presence of the Guru Apa, who may chant for hours without pause, their voice rising and falling with the drumbeat and the breath of the ancestors. These extended incantations are both static recitations and living performances, occurring in real time. The shaman typically remains seated before the shrine during important rites, occasionally rising to adjust offerings or respond to intervening divine entities, then returning to their position without breaking the ritual flow.

At its center are Puchuk, conical sculptures made from grain flour reminiscent of the Buddhist Torma yet rooted in an older animist tradition.  These are delicately placed upon the leaves of the Nebhara fig tree or the broad fronds of wild banana. Above the shrine, Chellam, a thin liquid made from flour, is splashed against the wall, forming an ephemeral offering that mingles matter and intention. Petals of Totala Phool, the Indian Trumpet Flower, are placed as symbols of renewal and beauty, while items such as the Thurmi, a ritual dagger, are arranged with exacting care. A small oil lamp, known as pala or diyo, burns steadily, its flickering light guiding the spirits and illuminating the sacred space. Sang, fragrant juniper, is kindled, sending smoke that is believed to cleanse and invite divine presence. Five eggs are placed on the shrine, offered to the guardian spirits, Baarah, Chirkun, Jaleswori, combined protective ancestral spirits, and one specifically to Lamadabla, symbolizing fertility, protection, and the shaman’s ongoing connection to the spiritual and ancestral realms.

And alcohol, specifically locally brewed Raksi, is poured as a libation to spirits and ancestors. At the appropriate moment, a chicken is ritually sacrificed, its blood offered to the deities to complete the transaction between the human and spirit realms. The entire space is activated through the sound of the Takey, the ritual drum, whose deep resonance propels the shaman into trance.

Among Thami shamans, the Takey, their ritual drum, is often a treasured inheritance, passed down through family lines or granted by a mentor who recognizes the calling.  However, the shaman’s arsenal extends beyond this resonant instrument to include the sharp blast of the Mirkang, a trumpet fashioned from tiger bone, and necklaces adorned with bells and the vertebrae of snakes, each carrying its own power and symbolism. Yet, above all, the most essential tool remains the Thurmi, known more broadly as the Killa, a ritual dagger that serves as a symbolic nail, anchoring the shaman’s authority and binding the unseen forces that swirl around the ritual space.

The Thurmi stands as the shaman’s axis of power, a ritual blade that carries within it the memory of ancestral authority. Made of metal or bone, it gathers the strength of the elements and the breath of those who wielded it before. In the course of the ritual, the Guru Apa uses the Thurmi to fasten energies that move unseen, to steady the currents of the spirit world, and to affirm the balance that holds the human and the other-than-human in relation. Its point fixes intention, its presence marks the center of the sacred ground. Through the Thurmi, the shaman engages in a dialogue with the invisible, a necessary act of anchoring, binding, and remembering that maintains the equilibrium of the world.

Thurmi

The shaman, endowed with privileged access to the divine realm and guided by knowledge transmitted through ancestral memory and spirit tutelage, occupies a position of extraordinary responsibility within Thami society. Through experience, inherited ritual authority, and the use of sacred instruments, the Guru Apa becomes an agent of mediation who renders the invisible legible. In ritual practice, the shaman restores equilibrium between human and nonhuman worlds, aligning social harmony with ecological and spiritual order. What might appear as acts of healing or divination are, in essence, ontological interventions. They create moments in which the moral, natural, and ancestral planes are brought into coherence. Within this worldview, shamanism becomes a sustaining cosmology, a way through which the Thami continually reproduce their understanding of balance, reciprocity, and existence itself.

Despite the encroaching forces of modernity and the gradual transformation of social and economic life, the figure of the shaman endures as a repository of Thami cultural memory. Through ritual knowledge, oral transmission, and embodied practice, the Guru Apa preserves the ethical and cosmological foundations that continue to define Thami identity. Shamanism, resilient yet adaptive, remains central to how the community negotiates change, anchoring collective belonging through enduring traditions while sustaining a system of meaning in which the sacred and the social are inseparable.

The Quiet Awakening of Identity

Back in 2014, when I first offered my time to an organization dedicated to preserving the cultural traditions of the Kirati Khambu Rai in Darjeeling, I stepped into a world I had always carried with me, yet scarcely understood. I knew the names of our ancestors, the patterns of our migrations, the outline of our history, but not the cadence of the traditions that bound spirit to soil. I could fumble through Chamling sentences and recognize the offerings of Samkhalung during Chhowa. But the deeper aspects of my culture, the meanings behind the Mundhum, the sacred logic of the rituals, the worldview etched in symbolic actions and inherited ways of life, remained elusive.

For years I had lived comfortably within the architecture of modern life, working in a firm that developed web applications, surrounded by the glowing screens of another world. I wore Western clothes, watched American shows, thought in English, but never once doubted the fact that I was Kirati. It was a knowledge I did not question, though I rarely turned toward it. It was only through years of listening, recording, and slowly learning to see as my elders see that something shifted. The distant became intimate. The inherited became deliberate. Sure, I had always identified as Kirati Khambu, but had I truly understood what that meant? Had I, even then, possessed ethnic consciousness?

Ethnic consciousness is the lived awareness of belonging to a distinct cultural group, marked by inherited identity and a reflective understanding of its meaning, boundaries, and significance in relation to the wider world. As Fredrik Barth observed in his influential introduction to Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organization of Culture Difference (1969), what defines an ethnic group is not the cultural content itself but the boundaries that are maintained between groups. This kind of self-awareness does not always emerge organically. It often surfaces in moments of tension, contact or marginalization. It is when a community begins to recognize its own patterns, beliefs and ways of life as markers of identity rather than just inherited customs that culture becomes conscious. This shift from living culture to self-aware identity is subtle but transformative. It turns tradition into a basis for collective strength, advocacy and survival in a world that demands clear definitions.

Here, it is crucial to understand what ethnicity truly means. It should not be mistaken for far-right notions of ethnicism, tribalism, or racial superiority. Ethnicity is a lived experience of belonging to a people defined by their unique customs, languages, and ways of relating to the world. It is the emotional and cultural attachment to traditions passed down and practiced daily. For elders and cultural stewards, the quiet erosion of this inheritance is a deep and silent wound. For the young, drawn by the pull of cities and the promise of new opportunities, such detachment may feel like freedom. Yet every language forgotten, every rite left unperformed, risks severing a vital thread in the vast tapestry of human possibility.

Ethnic consciousness often intensifies when a culture is under threat. This is a familiar pattern among indigenous peoples worldwide. As John and Jean Comaroff explain in Ethnicity, Inc., communities frequently turn to their ethnic identity as a means of reclaiming visibility and asserting agency when faced with marginalization or cultural loss. In the Darjeeling region and its surroundings, this is evident among communities near Bagdogra and Salugada. There, Kirati organizations and other tribal groups in the Duars have been actively engaged in reviving their ancestral traditions, organizing large annual festivals, and renewing their focus on language and cultural preservation with growing success.

In my experience, exclusion often plants the first seed of ethnic consciousness. When communities are overlooked by institutions, denied access to basic facilities, or left out of larger conversations, something shifts. People begin to turn inward, for survival, and to remember. Slowly, this inward turn can grow into a movement. I’ve seen it happen, where neglected languages are spoken again with care, where long-forgotten festivals are revived. These acts are quiet affirmations. Through every ritual performed, through every endangered word uttered, there’s a message being sent: We are still here.

But exclusion isn’t the only path to awareness. Sometimes it begins in far gentler ways. I’ve watched people become conscious of their roots simply by being part of a cultural organization. In spaces where shared memory is honored, a kind of camaraderie forms that nudges people to look deeper into themselves. Some join out of curiosity, others because they carry a pride in ancient ancestry. And then there are those who seem unsure at first. They may not know the rites, may not speak the language fluently, but carry a quiet, generational awareness. Over time, with every story shared, every ritual observed, they begin to see more clearly. Their journey inward doesn’t come all at once, but gradually, as they begin to understand that their identity has always been there, waiting, just beneath the surface.

At the same time, migration, urbanization, and tourism have created new conditions for reflection. When individuals leave their ancestral lands for cities or foreign countries, they often find themselves re-evaluating what it means to belong. Culture, once taken for granted, becomes a thread of memory and longing. Interestingly, tourism plays a dual role in this process. While it sometimes risks flattening culture into spectacle, it also pushes communities to examine and articulate their traditions with renewed clarity. And perhaps most crucially, cultural transmission, serves as the foundation of ethnic awareness.

Ethnicity today is often spoken of as if it were fixed and self-evident, but as scholars like Jean and John Comaroff argue, it is anything but static. Rather than a single, solid identity, ethnicity is better understood as a living process. It is a set of shared signs, languages, customs, and sentiments through which people come to recognize themselves and one another. Its meaning changes depending on history, politics, and experience.

Among the Kirati communities of the Himalayas, for instance, ethnicity is attached to oral traditions, agricultural rituals, sacred landscapes, and kinship patterns but it is also shaped by the pressures and incentives of the modern state. With the promise of recognition, representation, or access to Scheduled Tribe benefits, some individuals begin to express their ethnic identity more visibly in public, even if those same traditions are fading at home. In such cases, ethnic performance may appear strategic, but it still reflects the larger reality that identity is now being negotiated in a world where visibility matters. As modernization and state narratives press in, this once quiet identity must become conscious and, at times, even performative.

But is this really ethnic consciousness? If identity is displayed only for political recognition or material gain, can it still be called awareness in the deeper sense? This question lingers in many corners of our community, and I’ve often found myself asking it quietly when I see festival costumes worn like uniforms, or rituals performed without memory. When culture is practiced only in the open, but forgotten at home, it risks becoming a performance for the gaze of others, whether governments, researchers, or tourists.

And yet, even strategic displays can carry the seeds of something more meaningful at least among some individuals. Sometimes, performance precedes belief. A young person who joins a festival ritual out of obligation may still be moved by something glorious within it. A checkbox on a form may lead someone to ask, “What does this actually mean?”. While wearing a traditional attire, one might feel a sense of pride. Therefore, while ethnic consciousness may begin in the political, but for it to truly take root, it must become personal. Something to be experienced, remembered, lived, and slowly carried inward.

Over the years, I’ve met many such individuals who first wore their identity for convenience or recognition, but later found themselves asking profound questions. What begins as a borrowed ritual or an attendance can easily turn into an inward journey. Some start picking up books on culture and history, flipping through old photographs, or listening to the elders they once ignored. I’ve also seen people who barely spoke their mother tongue begin to search for its words again. In time, the costume becomes a memory, and the memory becomes meaning. Ethnic consciousness is not always inherited in full. Sometimes it is rediscovered, piece by piece, story by story, until what was once external becomes internal.

So, did I truly have ethnic consciousness back then, when I first began volunteering in 2014? Perhaps not in its full form. I had fragments, memories, names, rituals heard in passing, a sense of belonging that was more intuitive than articulated. What I carried might be better described as latent awareness, a quiet certainty that I was part of something older, though I hadn’t yet turned to face it fully. Over the years, through listening, reading, asking, and sometimes simply being present, that awareness grew. It matured into something more deliberate, and reflective.

But this consciousness has not come without its complications. At times, it has slowed me down and led me to question the paths I might have taken more easily if I had chosen to forget. At other times, it has grounded me. In a world that urges constant reinvention, it offers continuity. In the noise of modern life, it gives coherence. I live fully in the modern world. I embrace technology, learning, and new ways of seeing. I value inquiry, skepticism, and the pursuit of truth. These shape my thinking. My identity as a Khambu moves alongside these values. I live with both. I think with both. I carry both. This awareness has brought clarity to my perspectives. It has shown me that identity forms through engagement, memory, and lived experience. And that to move meaningfully in this world, one must first know where their feet are standing.

The Drum of the Tiger

In the beginning, when the world was still new and the sky was close to the earth, there lived a woman named Tigenjungna. She was not an ordinary woman. She had no husband, no people, and no village. Created by the divine will of Tagera Ningmaphuwa, the supreme creator, her presence was part of the cosmic balance, and her body carried the mystery of life.

In time, Tigenjungna gave birth to twins, though no man had ever touched her. The divine had planted life in her womb. One child was born a tiger, fierce and wild. He was named Kesami. The other was born a human, alert and wise. He was called Namsami.

They came from the same womb, drank the same milk, and slept beneath the same sky. Yet one belonged to the forest, and the other to the fire. Both had vastly different personalities.

In the early days, they were never apart. Whether resting in the shadows or wandering through the wilderness, the tiger and the man-child shared their world with no quarrel. But time ripens all things. As they grew, their paths began to split.

Namsami learned to hunt with a slingshot. He chased birds, climbed trees, and made fires. Kesami hunted frogs, beetles, lizards, and later, larger beasts. His eyes gleamed in the dark, and his silence was heavy.

One evening, Namsami spoke softly,  “Brother, why do you eat such creatures? There are other ways. We can hunt together, and eat clean food.”

But Kesami growled in reply, “Not only will I eat them. One day, I’ll eat you.”

From that moment, they were no longer just brothers. They became hunter and hunted.

Namsami fled, wandering deeper into the forests, always hiding, never sleeping soundly. All he wanted to do was survive. And behind him, Kesami stalked, his hunger growing. He no longer saw his twin. He saw meat.

Tigenjungna, the mother of both, wept in silence. Her body had birthed them both, and yet, they now walked different worlds. She hid Namsami when she could. He hid him in ravines, on ridges, beneath thick leaves. Whenever Kesami came roaring, she deceived him.

“He’s up in the high hills,” she’d say. “He’s down by the stream,” she’d whisper.

But lies wear down even the strongest tongue. One day, Kesami turned on his own mother, his jaws dripping.

“You’ve lied to me long enough. Tell me where he is or I’ll tear you apart.”

That night, Tigenjungna called Namsami and said, “I cannot lie anymore. My mouth is dry, and my heart is cracking. Listen, my son, go to the ravine. Take your bow and arrows. Climb the tallest Simal (Silk cotton) tree. Hide on the ninth branch. If your brother comes, I will send him there. If I do not, he will devour me.”

Before he left, she planted two flowers in front of her dwelling, upon two dried bottle gourds. Babari (Wild Basil), for Kesami, and Sillari (Cow Parsley), for Namsami. And she prayed, “If the Babari wilts, I will know the tiger is dead. If the Sillari fades, I will know the human is gone.” Then she sat before the flowers, spinning thread and whispering wind-prayers.

Down in the ravine, Namsami waited. The sun passed, the shadows deepened, and then came the sound of leaves rustling. Kesami had found him.

The tiger looked up at the tree and snarled. “So here you are. No more hiding today.”

He began to climb, his claws scratching the bark.

At home, the Sillari flower bent, its petals heavy. Tigenjungna wept, her hands frozen in mid-spin.

Namsami aimed his arrows. Once, missed. Twice, missed. Three, four, missed again. Only one arrow remained. Kesami was almost at the top.

Namsami whispered, “Brother, I begged you to live in peace. But you chose the path of hunger. If you must eat me, don’t make me suffer. Close your eyes, open your mouth. I will jump in myself.”

The tiger paused. Then, with a satisfied grunt, he closed his glowing eyes and opened his jaws wide.

Namsami did not jump. He drew the last arrow, took aim, and released it. The arrow flew into Kesami’s mouth and pierced straight through, exiting from beneath his tail. With a great roar, Kesami fell, breaking branches as he crashed to the earth.

At home, the Babari flower shriveled. Tigenjungna knew. Still, Namsami waited in the tree. He saw flies buzzing over the body. One green fly entered Kesami’s mouth and came out the other end, passing under Namsami’s nose with a stench of death. Only then did he descend. He stood before his brother’s lifeless body. His eyes brimmed with tears.

“We came from the same place,” he whispered. “But your path was your own.”

He took the tiger’s hide and shaped it into a drum, the Chyabrung. With each beat, it roared like Kesami had once roared. It was not made for celebration. It was made for remembrance.

Today, the Limbu Chyabrung drum still echoes through the mountains, through the homes of the Limbu people. When the Chyabrung speaks, it tells the tale of the first tiger and the first man, born from the same mother, children of nature, fated to walk separate paths.

Magar Weddings: Rituals of Kinship and Social Balance

The Magar marriage system serves as a central institution within Magar society, reflecting both enduring rituals and diachronic transformations shaped by shifting social and cultural contexts. Marital practices such as cross-cousin marriage and clan-based exogamic taboos articulate cultural norms that shape kinship ties and uphold the social boundaries of the Magar community. In traditional Magar culture, marriage is a public, ancestral, and communal institution instead of a mere dyadic romantic union. These practices underscore the collective nature of marriage, positioning it as a mechanism for social reproduction and cultural continuity across generations. In this way, marriage among the Magars operates as both a form of negotiation and reinforcement of identity, integrating individual choice within broader communal imperatives.

Historically, cross-cousin marriage lay at the heart of Magar matrimonial alliances. A preferred pattern involved a man marrying his mamacheli, the daughter of his maternal uncle. This union was a practical arrangement and a culturally sanctioned ideal that reaffirmed long-standing ties between wife-giving (Maiti) and wife-receiving (Kutumba) lineages. If the preferred mamacheli was unavailable, a younger girl from the same maternal line could still be considered. Such relationships were encouraged from a young age, often expressed through playful teasing and familiarity, which functioned as a culturally recognized courtship dynamic. In sharp contrast, marriage with a phupucheli, the daughter of one’s paternal aunt, was strictly prohibited. This distinction underscores a deep moral architecture within Magar kinship, where certain forms of closeness are celebrated and others considered transgressive. Moreover, reciprocal marriage between the same two lineages across generations, where a wife-giving clan becomes a wife-receiving one, is regarded as a violation of social balance, tantamount to incest within Magar ethical reasoning.

As society changed, so too did the forms of marriage. New ideas brought through education, migration, and state influence softened older certainties. Yet even with evolving practices, the underlying principles of lineage continuity and clan exogamy remain central. A marriage in Magar culture and tradition is as much a ritual transaction between families as it is a personal choice. It links households, affirms social responsibilities, and reestablishes relationships between clans. Ritual acts such as offerings, blessings, and assigned roles during ceremonies reflect a worldview in which personal unions are deeply embedded in collective identity.

Traditionally animist and later shaped by Hindu and Buddhist syncretism, Magar society maintains strict rules of clan exogamy. Marriages are prohibited within the same thar (clan), a rule intended to ensure genetic diversity and uphold ancestral boundaries. Kinship is both genealogical and spiritual realities. In the Kham Magar regions of the Atharah Magarat, shamans known as Ramma are regularly consulted before a marriage takes place. Their role is to sense spiritual disturbances, interpret ancestral signs, and ensure that the union aligns with unseen forces. Within this worldview, marriage carries meaning that extends beyond the material or personal. It forms a bridge between generations, links the household to the realm of spirits, and affirms the individual’s place within the larger social and cosmological order.

Among the Magars, marriage functions as more than a personal union between two people; it acts as a reaffirmation of social order, lineage continuity, and ancestral connections. Arranged marriage, known as Lagañya, stands as the most widely accepted and ritually endorsed form. Elders take the lead in these unions, relying on memory, clan ties, and perceived compatibility to negotiate the match. Engagements include exchanging symbolic offerings such as locally brewed alcohol, betel nut, and livestock, followed by rituals that unite two individuals as well as their kin groups. These alliances are carefully crafted, respecting rules of clan exogamy and reinforcing established social boundaries.

Elopement or love marriage (Odañya), represents a shift in generational attitudes. Couples who elope without prior approval often return later to seek ritual recognition and family reconciliation. Although once viewed as transgressive, these unions have gained increasing acceptance, especially in areas influenced by education and urban lifestyles that emphasize autonomy and love. Still, the reconciliation process remains vital. It involves offerings, dialogue, and the construction of a new consensus founded on retrospective acknowledgment of the couple’s decision rather than prearranged negotiations.

Additional forms of union add complexity to the marriage system. Capture marriage, referred to as Jari Biha in Nepali, and levirate marriage, Bhauju Biha, were once part of the social fabric but now mostly survive as remnants of earlier times. Jari involved taking a woman, sometimes with consent, sometimes without, accompanied by ritual compensation to her natal family. Levirate marriage involved a younger brother marrying the widow of his elder sibling, ensuring economic continuity and preserving kinship roles. These practices, though still present in some isolated areas, now occupy marginal positions in Magar ritual life and lack the formal recognition accorded to Lagañya or Odañya.

While native terms exist for arranged and elopement marriages, others often lack indigenous labels. This absence has led some to question whether practices like jari, levirate, or symbolic cohabitation are originally Magar or borrowed from dominant cultures over time. However, such views risk ignoring the realities of cultural change. In oral societies, language loss and assimilation are common, and the absence of specific terms does not mean practices have vanished. Instead, customs are lived through daily habits rather than always being explicitly named.

In areas such as the Barah Magarat, where Nepali has replaced Dhut in everyday speech, many native expressions have faded even as the social structures they described endure. Although Jari Biha is a Nepali term, the practice of restitution in disrupted marriages reflects Magar values of balance, reciprocity, and social healing. Authenticity here depends less on linguistic purity and more on whether the underlying values and relational principles continue to embody a distinctly Magar worldview.

In Magar marriage rituals, symbolic actions and material offerings are central to affirming social relationships, ancestral blessings, and communal legitimacy. Alcohol, particularly Lee (Jaad or Rice Beer) and Mudd (Raksi or Traditional distilled spirit), serves a dual role as both a celebratory drink and a ritual object imbued with cultural significance. During matrimonial negotiations, the exchange and consumption of alcohol carry layered meanings. For example, when a marriage proposal is presented, the groom’s family offers alcohol in a wooden container called Koriya to the bride’s family. The acceptance of this offering signals agreement to the union, while refusal requires the return of any initial gifts (often doubled) in a practice known as Sahi. Certain types of alcohol hold specific ceremonial importance; a three-day fermented rice beer, Jahman, is traditionally given to wedding guests and the groom’s party as a symbolic blessing before their departure. Across many regions, especially in western Nepal, alcohol is the preferred medium for hospitality and ritual purity, at times taking precedence over other customary offerings such as yogurt or curd.

Symbolism in Magar marriage extends beyond material offerings to include spatial arrangements and ritual performances. In the bride’s natal home, she is accorded a position of honor, seated to the right and receiving the Tika, a ritual blessing made with rice grains applied to the forehead, before the groom. This order is deliberately reversed after marriage, signifying her incorporation into her husband’s lineage and the resulting shift in kinship hierarchy. In cases of elopement, reconciliation rituals known as Sodhni require both bride and groom to present jars of alcohol to the bride’s family, affirming mutual consent and restoring family relationships. Collectively, these ritual elements sustain the Magar marriage system’s connection to ancestral cosmology, weaving together domestic life, community values, and spiritual order.

Marriage rituals are elaborate affairs among the Magars, functioning as structured processes of kinship affirmation and social legitimacy. From the outset, the role of the Lami (marriage intermediary) is vital. The Lami, often a maternal uncle (Mama) or a sister’s husband (Jwaaichela), delivers the marriage proposal along with Sagun, a symbolic offering comprising items like Raksi (distilled alcohol), Tarul (yam), honey, and money. Acceptance of the Sagun signifies consent to the union, while refusal halts proceedings. In many regions of Central-West Nepal, only an odd-numbered group of male relatives accompanies the proposal, and the offering is reciprocated by the bride’s family through a second set of Sagun, thus formalizing the engagement in a reciprocal framework.

The ritual of bringing the bride to the groom’s home (behuli bhitraune) is central to the marriage process and is marked by spatial and symbolic rites. Before entering the house, the bride sets down a water-filled Amkhora (brass jug) at the threshold, symbolizing purification and auspicious entry. A rooster is sacrificed near the doorway as an offering to ancestral spirits and for spiritual safeguarding. The bride carries the jug inside and pours a few drops onto her mouth, marking her acceptance into the new household. In some areas, Chamal Tika, made of Dahi (curd) and Chamal (rice grains) is applied to the foreheads of both bride and groom by elder kin, beginning with the bride. This reversal of ritual order before and after marriage signifies the transition from natal to affinal kinship, and the shifting roles and status the bride undergoes. The application of tika, tying of Dubo-Paati (sacred wheatgrass and leaves), and collective feasting all contribute to affirming the union within the wider social and spiritual order.

In cases of elopement (Odañya), reconciliation rituals such as Sodhni serve to reintegrate the couple into normative kinship structures. Within three days of elopement, the groom’s party is expected to bring Raksi (distilled alcohol), Roti (traditional bread), and Jaaḍ (rice beer) to the bride’s family to seek retroactive approval. Failure to do so invites social sanction. The ritual offering signals accountability, respect for lineage, and the mending of relational ruptures. A further ritual, Chorkorya, involves delivering the right foreleg of a previously sacrificed goat or buffalo, kept aside during the behuli bhitraune, as a token of symbolic completion of the marriage process. This act serves as a restitution and also as an embodied communication of ritual closure and reparation.

The final phase, Janti jaane (bridal procession), represents the public legitimization of the marriage and involves exchange, gifting, and symbolic hospitality. On the day appointed by the bride’s family, the groom’s party arrives with ceremonial gifts, called Danda or compensation: a minimum of five containers of raksi, hundreds of Roti, live animals, and women’s traditional garments. These offerings are meant to reduce the economic burden of the bride’s family and to honor reciprocal ties. During this event, relatives perform reciprocal Dhogbheṭ (gestural greetings), and elders introduce the bridegroom to the extended kin. The wedding concludes with a communal feast and singing, often lasting up to three days.

Magar culture considers marriage functions a calibrated system of ritual acts to shape and stabilize shifting kinship ties. These rituals, while diverse across regions and responsive to social change, continue to serve as vital expressions of communal identity, ancestral reverence, and relational ethics. Each gesture carries a symbolic weight that extends far beyond its surface form. These acts do not operate in isolation but are woven into a broader ritual grammar through which households, lineages, and ancestral obligations are continuously aligned.

Even as external influences reshape certain customs, the underlying principles of reciprocity, clan respect, and ritual coherence persist, anchoring marriage as both a cultural continuity and a living tradition. Through this process, the institution of marriage emerges as a dynamic field where memory, belonging, and cosmology are enacted and renewed.

Beyond Silence: Exploring the Mysterious Kusule

In Darjeeling and Sikkim, one can rarely find a person who hasn’t seen a figure cloaked in intricate headgear, adorned with Rudraksha beads, deftly playing the hourglass-shaped drum (Damaru). Emerging from obscurity, he would vanish as mysteriously as he appeared, after having received alms. As children, his presence and attire both fascinated and unnerved us, stirring our imaginations. Known to our parents simply as “Kusule,” he upheld an unwavering vow of silence, shrouding himself in an aura of mystique that left us longing for answers that we never found.

The Kusule, also known as Kusle, Kusulya, Jugi, or Kapaali, are ritual specialists who occupy a unique and often marginal position within the stratified social hierarchy of the Newar community in the Kathmandu Valley. Traditionally ascetic, they follow a path of renunciation that places them at the edges of social life, yet their spiritual role grants them a distinctive authority. This combination of marginality and influence reflects the complex ways in which Newar society negotiates boundaries between the sacred and the social.

Newar social structure is characterized by a finely layered caste system, intensely influenced by both Hindu and Buddhist cosmologies. Within this intricate framework, the Kusule occupy a distinctive niche. They serve as ritual musicians and ceremonial functionaries, particularly in rites associated with death, spirit possession, and purification. Their ritual authority derives in part from their perceived proximity to the liminal: the threshold spaces between life and death, purity and pollution, revered and profane.

Their practices and iconography reveal historical affinities with heterodox sects such as the Kapalika and Gorakhnathi, esoteric traditions known for their austere, tantric disciplines that transgress normative religious boundaries. Yet, the Kusule remain firmly situated within the ritual economy of the Newar world. Far from being outsiders, they are an enduring part of a religious system that embraces both conformity and defiance in its ceremonial practices.

The name Kusle derives from Kus grass (Desmostachya bipinnata), a sacred plant regularly used in South Asian ritual traditions. This simple blade of grass carries powerful symbolic weight, linked to creation myths and purification rites. Additionally, Newar folklore traces the Kusule lineage to Kusalnath, one of the twelve disciples of the tantric master Gorakhnath, connecting the name to an ancient yogic tradition. Another story recounts how a Kapaali ascetic earned the title Kusle by being the swiftest to bring Kus grass to King Sthiti Malla, thereby establishing the name as an honorific within ritual circles. Thus, the term Kusule embodies both botanical symbolism and a historical lineage deeply rooted in ascetic and tantric traditions.

Kus grass (Desmostachya bipinnata)

Inscriptions and historical texts from the Kathmandu Valley offer a window into the early presence and ritual importance of the Kusle-Kapaali within Newar society. As early as the 14th century, records point to figures closely aligned with Nath traditions (a Shaiva tantric yogic tradition rooted in asceticism and Hatha Yoga). An inscription from Itum Baha in 1382 mentions a minister devoted to Gorakhnath, while a 1390 record from Pharping documents the installation of Gorakhnath’s footprints by a yogi named Achintyanath, providing evidence of a spiritual landscape shaped by ascetic lineages. By the mid-15th century, inscriptions at the Kasthamandap shrine refer to ritual practitioners called Darsandhari, an early designation for the Kusle, who performed Chakrapuja, a complex tantric offering rite. These accounts suggest that the Kusle were once central figures in the Valley’s religious life, occupying sacred spaces where esoteric knowledge and public ritual converged.

Legal and social classifications in later periods reveal how the Kusle’s status shifted over time. The 1853 Muluki Ain, Nepal’s legal code under the Shah dynasty, lists the Kusalya among castes assigned to ritually impure roles, essential, yet socially marginalized. Earlier references by scholars and travelers, including D.R. Regmi and Francis Hamilton, describe communities known as Kusulay, Darsandhari, or Kasulia, serving as musicians, mendicants, and temple assistants. Their ritual authority, once affirmed through public ceremonies and temple affiliations, gradually diminished as royal patronage favored other ascetic orders, particularly the Kanphata (Kaan Chireko) Jogis. Yet the textual and epigraphic record preserves the imprint of their legacy as a social group rooted in Tantric traditions, once entrusted with navigating the spiritual boundaries of death, impurity, and transformation.

In contemporary practice, the Kusle occupy a pivotal role within the ritual landscape of the Newar community, primarily engaging in rites associated with death, purification, and spirit appeasement. As ritual specialists in mortuary practices, they oversee the preparation of corpses for cremation, conduct transitional ceremonies that facilitate the safe passage of the soul, and enact protective rites aimed at shielding both the deceased and the living from spiritual disturbance. These performances draw upon a repertoire of symbolic gestures and embodied knowledge rooted in Tantric cosmology, particularly those concerned with the containment of liminal energies and the pacification of potentially disruptive forces or ‘energies’. Positioned at the interstices of life and death, purity and danger, the Kusle serve as ritual mediators, navigating thresholds where the social order is most vulnerable to rupture.

A distinctive ritual unique to the Kusle involves a family member who, during the four winter months, from Bala Chaturdasi (mid-Mangsir) to Bikram Samvat New Year’s Eve (Chait), dons the appearance of Shiva. Covered in ashes, adorned with the Tripundra (three horizontal lines) on the forehead, wearing a diadem symbolizing the divine mothers, and necklaces of Rudraksha beads and human bones, a Kusle walks through the city streets at dawn carrying a hour-glass (damaru) drum. This procession is meant to expel harmful forces and purify the community, reinforcing their connection to Shiva and their role as powerful exorcists. Silence during these ceremonies further emphasizes their intimate relationship with the “dark” forces, serving as a ritual bridge that controls malevolent spirits without spoken words.

Kusle Burial Site in Kaldhara, Kathmandu

Among the Kusle, death rituals are shaped by a distinctive Tantric Shaiva worldview. Unlike other Newar castes that practice cremation, the Kusle perform inhumation, placing the deceased in Padmasana (seated meditation posture) facing north, toward Mount Kailasha, the mythic abode of Shiva. The ritual is conducted by a Kusle guru, who recites the mantra of Gorakhnath and performs Mṛitadikṣa, a post-death initiation meant to guide the soul, especially for those who died uninitiated. The burial mound is shaped as a Linga (sacred Shiva symbol), and ritual offerings are placed at four points: Kaagbali (for the crow), Pretbali (for the wandering soul), Svanbali (for the dog), and one for Gorakhnath himself. In the days that follow, the family performs Laapuja, a series of offerings involving water, rice, yogurt, vermillion, sesame, and flowers—first to Gorakhnath and then to the others. Through these rites, the Preta (the restless spirit of the recently deceased) is ritually transformed into a Pitr (an ancestral spirit acknowledged and venerated by the living).

Initiation into the Kusle tradition reflects these same liminal values. The process is led by a guru and includes the transmission of Gorakhnath’s mantra, an anointing with Panchagavya (five cow derivatives) a, and a symbolic Karnavedha: a ritual ear-piercing that gestures toward their ancestral link to the Kaanphata Jogis, though the ear is not actually split. The initiate is marked with ash and the sacred syllable Aum, and then enacts a symbolic journey to Varanasi, walking a path made of flour, cloves, and leaves laid out by the guru. This performance stands in for physical renunciation, signaling inner transformation within a household setting. Daily worship continues through a modest attic shrine to Gorakhnath, where offerings are made and roti (ritual bread) is prepared weekly. The Kusle’s ritual life, deeply embedded in Tantric practice yet adapted to Newar caste society, preserves a vision of sacred duty centered ritual mastery of its boundaries without impeding social perimeters.

Gorakhnath

In their social life, the Kusle occupy a distinctive position within Newar society as ritual musicians, traditionally responsible for playing sacred instruments during death rites and other ceremonies involving ritually impure forces. In the context of funerary practices, their music transcends mere performance; it becomes a medium of spiritual transformation, guiding the soul of the deceased while purifying the environment for the living. Their expertise in navigating the symbolic weight of death through sound marks the Kusle as custodians of a liminal domain where the sacred and the unclean converge.

Yet despite their indispensable ritual function, the Kusle remain socially marginalized. Their constant engagement with death and impurity, while vital to communal order, assigns them a low-caste status within the Newar caste hierarchy, subjecting them to social stigma that restricts both mobility and economic opportunity. In response to these constraints, many have adopted tailoring as a supplementary occupation which has become an adaptive strategy that complements their ritual role while providing a modest livelihood. This quiet fusion of sacred duty and secular labor reflects a resilient navigation of a world that relies on their presence yet offers limited recognition in return.

Many people confuse the Kusle with the Kaanphata Jogis, but the two are markedly different in both lifestyle and social integration. While the Kusle are linked to the Nath tradition and share certain symbolic and ritual features with the “split-eared” Jogis, such as associations with Shivaite tantra and practices around death, their paths diverge in significant ways. The Kaanphata Jogis live lives of strict asceticism, distinguished by physical signs of devotion like their split ears, which hold symbolic earrings of their sect. These ascetics typically renounce household life, travel widely, and position themselves outside the caste-based social systems of settled communities, following a rigorous path of personal spiritual discipline.

The Kusle, by contrast, have localized and adapted Nath traditions into the structure of Newar society. Rather than renouncing worldly life, they maintain family ties and fulfill hereditary ritual duties, including conducting funerary music, exorcisms, and rites surrounding death and impurity. They do not bear the marks of extreme asceticism, nor do they detach from community life. Today, the distinction is even more apparent. Since the Kusle are ethnically Newar, speak Nepal Bhasa (Newari), and embody Newar cultural identity. The Kaanphata Jogies whether celibate ascetics or born into the Jogi caste, are Parbatiya, aligned with the broader Indo-Nepalese Hindu framework and often affiliated with major Shivaite centers like Varanasi, Haridwar, and Kedarnath.

The ritual muteness of the Kusle is deeply symbolic, reflecting their role as intermediaries between the living and the spiritual realms. In Newar death rituals, where they handle potent forces associated with death and the spirit world, silence serves as a protective and purifying measure, allowing them to perform their duties without directly invoking or disturbing malevolent energies. Muteness aligns them with the Preta or wandering spirit, a being in transition and often unsatisfied, symbolizing the dangerous and unresolved aspects of death. By remaining silent, the Kusule embody a restraint that controls these forces, reinforcing their role in “containing” spiritual disturbances within ritual spaces. Silence thus becomes a shield that separates them from direct confrontation with these forces, allowing their presence to perform exorcistic functions subtly and effectively without verbal interaction.

In the shifting landscape of contemporary Himalayan region, the Kusle stand at a fragile crossroads, their ancient role as ritual musicians and death workers steadily dissolving into the margins of memory. Once bearers of sacred sound and mediators between realms, they now face growing irrelevance in a society that increasingly turns to sanitized forms of ritual and forgets the necessity of those who navigate the liminal. Modernity has offered few concessions as tailoring and low-paying labor now supplement their ritual services, but these new roles bring neither dignity nor security. Despite deep cultural lineage and societal importance, the Kusle continue to face caste-based stigma, economic hardship, and a fading recognition of their spiritual authority.

Nonetheless, their presence evokes something more enduring than marginalization. The Kusle embody the living palimpsest of Newar civilization, layered with influences from different traditions and cosmologies. Today, as the valley of Kathmandu modernizes and ritual worlds fragment, the Kusle’s quiet resilience reminds us of an older truth: that those who dwell closest to death often guard the deepest knowledge of life. To listen to their Damaru beat is to hear the echo of a civilization in dialogue with its own spirt.

Eco-Spirituality & the Sacred Connection to Nature

High in the mist-veiled cliffs of central Nepal, where the sky breaks open above rhododendron forests and ancient stone villages cling to the earth, the Gurung people have, for generations, practiced a tradition as audacious as it is sacred: the harvesting of mad honey. In recent years, this rite has found its way into the global spotlight—through viral videos and the curious chatter of podcasts, but the gaze of the outside world often settles on the spectacle: men dangling on handmade ladders hundreds of feet above the forest floor, braving swarms of Himalayan giant bees for the intoxicating nectar that lies hidden in the hive.

This holy ceremony is traditionally conducted by an elder who calls forth the cliffs’ guardian spirits and maintains peace between the bees and hunters. This spiritual groundwork reflects the Gurung community’s deep-seated belief in the interdependence of all living beings. The elder’s remarkable immunity to bee stings is often cited as proof of this sacred bond—not a miracle, but a testament to a life lived in balance and reverence for the natural world.

In a prosperous year, nature bestows its gifts in abundance. Honey drapes the boulders in golden cascades, and armed with little more than ropes and woven baskets, the Gurung people set out in small bands, sometimes with extended families who, at times, unite in larger gatherings to celebrate the season’s wealth. Yet these journeys are never random. Each path follows the contours of ancestral land, well-trodden and steeped in memory. Every stretch of terrain and its bounty are entrusted to guardian spirits. Whether the harvest is wild fruit, the yield of cultivated fields, or the revered honey, the most coveted nectar of all, it is gathered under an unspoken covenant between the land and its keepers.

Parallel practices emerge in Sikkim and Darjeeling, where accounts tell of humans forging pacts with animals and insects. For instance, elders recount rituals where jungle-goers who prayed to forest spirits or communicated with ants and spiders were spared from leech and insect attacks. These accounts may seem otherworldly in the modern era, yet they highlight an eco-spiritual ethos where humans coexist with other sentient beings in a web of mutual respect and responsibility.

Of course, no instrument of science can measure this covenant, no microscope can reveal the threads that bind bee and man, cliff and spirit. And yet, one glimpses a worldview carved from centuries of coexistence. It is simply a belief in reciprocity. The natural world, in this Himalayan imagination, is not a warehouse of resources but a parliament of beings, each with its own agency, its own right to exist. What science may call superstition, the Himalayan worldview might understand as memory—a pact, renewed in each season, that all who dwell upon this fragile Earth are bound by the same breath.

Central to this worldview is the concept of eco-spirituality, a belief system that intertwines environmental consciousness with spiritual practice, advocating for a deep, respectful relationship with the natural world. In the Himalayas, this reverence for nature has been at the heart of shamanic traditions for centuries, where sacred rituals, ancestral wisdom, and an intimate connection to the land form the foundation of spiritual life.

What all of this means is that at the core of both eco-spirituality and Himalayan shamanism lies the belief that nature is sacred. The land is not merely soil and stone but a sentient force, pulsating with spiritual vitality, where every being is kin, bound by the same ancestral essence. We are, in the truest sense, woven from the same primordial thread. Shamans, infused with divine energy, serve as the bridge between humanity and the unseen world, channeling rituals that pay homage to the forces sculpting existence itself.

By this very nature, all humans, regardless of culture, share an intrinsic mental perception or a universal shamanic consciousness. Whether this latent faculty is woven seamlessly into daily life, as it was for the ancients, or accessed through the labyrinth of memory embedded in tradition, depends solely on one’s awareness, orientation, and the depth of their interconnected understanding.

In the West, voices like Henry David Thoreau stood as early sentinels of a philosophy that saw nature not as backdrop but as teacher, sanctuary, and moral compass. His retreat to Walden Pond was not an escape but a deliberate act of communion—a spiritual experiment rooted in simplicity and solitude. In many ways, Thoreau’s vision echoes the animistic ethos of Himalayan communities. Thoreau was not alone. John Muir, wandering the Sierras with his pockets full of biscuits, wrote of the wilderness as a cathedral—an unbuilt temple where God might be encountered not in script but in the curve of a river or the ancient patience of a glacier.

In the Himalayas, many shamanic rituals are aligned with the rhythms of the Earth. Shamans often conduct ceremonies that correspond to the seasons—marking the winter solstice, the spring equinox, and the harvest period—celebrating the cycles of nature and ensuring that the human community stays in harmony with the environment. These rituals are seen as a way of thanking the Earth for its abundance and asking for blessings for the upcoming season.  Eco-spirituality, too, places great importance on the cycles of nature and the spiritual significance of the seasons. Many eco-spiritual practices involve seasonal rituals that honor the Earth’s gifts, such as planting trees during the spring equinox or celebrating the harvest in the fall. These practices serve as a reminder that we are part of a larger cycle of life, death, and renewal, and that our actions must respect and nurture the Earth’s natural cycles.

Eco-spirituality draws heavily from this traditional knowledge, emphasizing the need to learn from indigenous practices and honor the wisdom of our ancestors. By reconnecting with the land and learning from the deep ecological understanding embedded in shamanic traditions, eco-spirituality encourages a return to more sustainable ways of living—rooted in respect for the Earth.

In the modern era, the teachings of both Himalayan shamanism and eco-spirituality have never been more relevant. As we face unprecedented environmental challenges, the spiritual lessons of interconnectedness, balance, and healing offer much-needed guidance. Young people today, in particular, are turning to eco-spirituality as a way to reconnect with nature in an increasingly disconnected world. Practices such as forest bathing, nature meditation, and eco-activism offer pathways to spiritual fulfillment while also contributing to the well-being of the planet.

The Sunuwar Kõits and Their Ancestral Identity

For the Sunuwar Koits, history isn’t inscribed on parchment or pressed between the pages of books. It is carried in the stories of elders, held in the ritual chants, and guarded by shamans who traverse the liminal space between the physical and the unseen. Their myths of origin, their ancestral lineage, and the their traditions have only passed through the living memory of their people. Very little has been written about the Sunuwars, apart from a handful of books and academic papers. Among them, People of Nepal (1967) by Dor Bahadur Bista stands out where he speaks of twelve clans, the Bara Thars, mapping the Sunuwar presence along the watersheds of Likhu Khola and Khimti Khola, within the vast embrace of the Sun Koshi basin.

For the Sunuwar Kõits, identity has always been embedded in language and in the subtle architecture of words that give it meaning and purpose. Their name, Kõits, is drawn from the verb kõincha (kõitsā), meaning “to guide” or “to show.” It carries a sense of leadership that has been shaped by tribal hierarchy, and the reverence for the elders and traditional wisdom, where guidance is an act of understanding as well as survival. The word “Sunuwar,” was given by Nepali speakers and tied to the western banks of the Sunkoshi. However, it does point out to their geographical location and hints at how outsiders perceived and categorized them through place rather than through their own sense of belonging.

Furthermore, the Kõits identity has long been overshadowed by colonial constructs, with terms like “Sunuwar” and “Mukhiya” reducing a vibrant heritage to geographic or administrative labels. These exonyms, born of Indo-Aryan linguistic frameworks, strip the Kõits of their nuanced self-definition, while framing them within external perceptions of land and power. This has, in some sense, undermined their rich, self-constructed ethos. Nevertheless, the endonym Kõits has endured as a linguistic and cultural anchor, and defied the erasure of their heritage. It reminds the community of their deep historical ties to leadership, their indigenous lexicon’s capacity to preserve meaning, and the resilience of their ethnic identity. In reclaiming the term ‘Kõits’, the community reasserts a sovereignty of meaning, celebrating their role as custodians of ancestral wisdom.

The Kõits stand as inheritors of an ancient Kirati lineage, their lives bound to ancestral and shamanic devotion, along with an abiding kinship with the land. For them, every custom, rite, and daily life mirrors a profound attunement to both the natural world and the unseen forces that animate it.

The Bara Thars, or clans, serve as genealogical markers that define Sunuwar identity. Each clan branches into several subgroups that, despite their diversity, remain connected through a shared system of kinship and intermarriage. Some of these clans are Binicha, Bigyacha, Bujicha, Bramlicha, Darkhacha, terms that are remnants of an older wisdom, linking families to lost professions, forgotten geographies, and elemental truths. Some, like Phaticha, meaning “to filter,” speak to the ancient crafts of purification and separation, while Gongrocha— “to open noisily”—evokes the sharp report of thresholds crossed, of doors flung wide to new horizons.

The following are some of the Kõits clan names of Thars

  • Binicha
  • Bigyacha
  • Bujicha
  • Bramlicha
  • Darkhacha
  • Dasucha
  • Debbacha
  • Digarcha
  • Durbicha
  • Phaticha
  • Gaurocha
  • Gongrocha
  • Jespucha
  • Jijicha
  • Jenticha
  • Katicha
  • Khunlicha
  • Kyabacha
  • Khyonpaticha
  • Kyuinticha
  • Kormocha
  • Laspacha
  • Linocha
  • Lonkucha
  • Lunkicha
  • Mulicha
  • Nasocha
  • Ngawocha
  • Nomlicha
  • Pargacha
  • Pretticha
  • Rapicha
  • Rawacha
  • Rudicha
  • Rujicha
  • Rupacha
  • Shyochulcha
  • Susucha
  • Teppacha
  • Thangracha
  • Tholocha
  • Tonkucha
  • Thungucha
  • Tursucha
  • Wangdecha
  • Yatacha

Their language, casually termed Sunuwari, is actually called Kõits Lo. It is a branch of the Tibeto-Burman family, and serves a vessel of memory, a defiant marker of identity in a world that presses upon it, other than being a mere means of communication. Though the tide of Nepali influence and the weight of neighboring Hindu traditions have reshaped the cultural landscape, the Sunuwar remain steadfast, their language a thread binding them to the past, their ancestors, and to the land. This deep connection to the land is the foundation of their way of life. Agriculture dictates their rural existence, with terraced fields carved into the hillsides yielding millet, maize, and rice. Although hunters in the past, ingenious irrigation techniques have long been employed to foster abundance from the earth, yet the land itself is finite, its scarcity an ever-present challenge. Therefore, animal husbandry plays a lesser role, and has acted as a quiet supplement to an economy. In the fields, their unwavering traditions and in their language, the Sunuwar inscribe their history, ensuring that neither the soil nor the stories are ever lost.

Socially, the Sunuwar Kõits are organized into patrilineal clans that dictate familial lineage and social roles. Each clan has specific rituals that are performed to honor their ancestors, with a clear distinction between those who carry on the ancestral line and those who perform the rituals. Marriage within the Kõits society follows exogamous rules, ensuring that individuals marry outside their clan, which further reinforces their social cohesion and the interconnectedness of their clans. An interesting aspect of Kõits identity is their understanding of gender roles. In Sunuwar belief, ruysh (bones) are associated with male identity and patrilineal descent, while shey (flesh) represents the maternal lineage and female identity. This dualistic view of gender extends beyond social roles to their material and spiritual lives. For example, men inherit ancestral lands, which are seen as symbols of permanence, while women’s roles, though indispensable, are seen as transient in comparison.

Shamanism among the Kõits is both a spiritual practice and the axis upon which their world turns. Shamans are viewed as a sacred lineage of healers, seers, and intermediaries who walk the threshold between the living and the dead. To be a shaman is to wield Thung, an inherited power that grants the ability to heal, divine, and channel the voices of spirits. Rituals unfold in the flickering light of tradition, where bamboo, along with a host of other indigenous plants serve as the bridge between realms.

Sunuwar spiritual life is a delicate balance, a dual system upheld by the Naso, the elder who offers prayers and sacrifices, and the Puimbo or Ngiami, the shaman who traverses the spectral veil. Their rites are immersive acts and transform into ecstatic trances in which spirits speak, descend, and afflictions are torn from the afflicted. Shamans, once chosen by ancestral energies, work as an apprentice for experienced Shamans (Guru Thapnu) or are kidnapped by the mythical banjhakri, the forest spirit. The Banjhakri selects and initiates such novice Shamans, dragging them into the unknown, where the true apprenticeship begins. Through trials of endurance and revelations of power, the shaman emerges, armed with sacred incantations, divination rites, and the steady pulse of the drum.

In Sunuwar culture, gender symbolism takes on even more significance within the realm of shamanism. Sunuwar shamans, whether Puimbo (male) or Ngiami (female), transcend traditional gender roles and adopt an androgynous identity. This spiritual flexibility is crucial to their role as intermediaries between the living and the ancestral spirits. Shamans are believed to possess the power to enter trance states and communicate with the divine and the deceased, bridging the gap between the human and spiritual realms. This transcendent ability is facilitated by their unique gender identities, allowing them to embody the balance between masculine and feminine forces, a theme that is also evident in the Sunuwar’s material culture.

The forces of modernity, migration, urban expansion, the pull of mainstream education have, to an extent, eroded the foundations of Kõits tradition. Yet culture is not so easily erased. In villages and diaspora communities alike, a quiet resistance still takes shape. Grassroots movements emerge, language revitalization efforts take root, and ancestral knowledge passes from elders to youth. Among the youth, festivals have little events to rejuvenate ethnic consciousness. They serve as reaffirmations of a way of life that refuses to fade. Though the tides of change press in, the Sunuwar Kõits continue to hold fast, ensuring that their heritage is remembered and lived. Now, it falls upon the younger generation to bear this weight, to carry forward what remains, as a privilege, and also as a birthright.

The Transforming Character of Himalayan Traditions

In my work with Kirati Khambu Rai cultural organizations and through engaging with other groups such as the Tamangs, Magars, and Gurungs, I’ve frequently encountered a telling phrase in Nepali that culture enthusiasts often repeat: “Bhai, khas ma chai hamro parampara/ritithiti/bhesbhusa yesto rahecha ni,” which translates to, “Brother, originally our customs/rituals/traditional attire were like this.”

A friend of mine, Ashish, who advocates for embracing modern cultural movements, once remarked with a touch of scepticism, “If we’re talking about the original traditional attire of every culture, it would be leaves and animal skins.” Though his comment was made with a playful intent to provoke someone like me, it holds an undeniable element of truth.

Today, when indigenous Himalayan communities gather to celebrate their festivals in open fields, they assert their identity through distinct ethnic symbols. These include traditional attire, often woven in fabrics whose style, colour, and patterns signify their ‘clan’ or identity. Interestingly, while these elements are ascribed great antiquity, there is little evidence to support their age-old origins. In fact, much of this “traditional” apparatus is either modern or influenced by later cultural developments. For instance, most Himalayan tribes have upper garments for men, yet their lower attire is often the Daura Suruwal—an outfit widely acknowledged as non-indigenous to the tribes of the Himalayas. Adding to this, many men wearing traditional upper garments opt to pair them with jeans. Attires change, and so does culture, reflecting the uncertainty of both tradition and identity.

Thus, it can be said that culture is not a static construct but a dynamic, ever-evolving force influenced by history, environment, and human interaction. This fluidity is particularly evident in Himalayan societies, where traditions have been shaped by the flow of time, external influences, organized religions, and the shifting needs of communities. From a sociological perspective, it becomes clear that while some traditions fade with time, others adapt, endure, and evolve reflecting the resilience and creativity of human societies. Yet, one might contend that even as culture evolves, it must be preserved to uphold a robust cultural identity. Without this, what remains of its essence?

Here, it is crucial to recognize the distinction between preserving culture and clinging uncritically to archaic traditions. The former fosters a unique identity, nurturing kinship and belonging, while the latter risks suffocating a community’s natural growth. Just as ecosystems flourish through adaptation and change, so too must cultures transform to stay vibrant. For communities like the Kirati Khambu Rai, who have long drawn inspiration from nature, resisting cultural change and embracing rigidity would be a profound irony.

What truly deserves preservation is not the entirety of culture in its static form but those traditions that enrich a community’s sense of identity. Accepting the fluidity of culture is essential—allowing it to shift and adapt organically ensuring its relevance in changing times. By embracing this natural flow, communities can honour their heritage while making space for innovation and new expressions, so that their traditions remain vibrant and meaningful for generations to come.

Thomas Sowell, a distinguished economist and social theorist, has delved deeply into the evolution of cultures and traditions, particularly in the context of conquests and cultural exchanges. In his book Conquests and Cultures: An International History, Sowell examines how cultural differences, both within and between nations, have shaped the economic and social trajectories of peoples and civilizations across centuries. This observation resonates in the context of the Himalayas, where communities have continually reshaped their traditions to adapt and survive amidst the challenges of the modern world.

Sowell argues that cultural evolution is significantly influenced by historical events such as conquests, migrations, and the dissemination of human capital. He suggests that while some cultural elements are lost or transformed through these processes, others adapt and endure, contributing to the dynamic nature of cultural identity. This perspective aligns with the observation that traditions, including those in the Himalayan region, are subject to change and amalgamation over time.

The Himalayan region, known for its rich diversity, offers a microcosm of how cultures interact and evolve. Communities like the Kiratis, Tamangs, Gurungs, and Magars have developed unique traditions over centuries, but these traditions have not remained isolated. Trade, migration, and religious influences have facilitated a continuous exchange of ideas, rituals, and philosophies.

Take, for instance, the Kiratis of the ancient Kathmandu Valley. Their traditions, as described in ancient Lichhavi inscriptions, differ vastly from those practiced by Kiratis today. These inscriptions mention the veneration of Matindevkul, a female deity revered by the ancient Kirats. However, its connection to the modern reverence for Sumnima by the Kirat Rais or Yuma by the Limbus remains uncertain. Similarly, indigenous groups also honour feminine powers in various forms—be it Ajima of the Newars, Machakomma of the Chamlings, Mangchemma of the Bantawas, or Honku Mang, the divine female river spirit, alongside the more universal “Boju Devi.”

What is unclear, however, is whether the ancient Matindevkul has evolved into these household female spirits, now worshipped distinctly by each community, or whether her significance has been quietly diminished over time. This ambiguity underscores the dynamic nature of cultural transformation, where fluidity shapes new practices while leaving parts of the past in shadows.

In The Invention of Tradition, Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger write, “We should expect it (invention of tradition) to occur more frequently when a rapid transformation of society weakens or destroys the social patterns for which ‘old’ traditions had been designed, producing new ones to which they were not applicable, or when such old traditions and their institutional carriers and promulgators no longer prove sufficiently adaptable and flexible, or are otherwise eliminated.”

This statement highlights how traditions adapt in response to societal changes. As communities encounter rapid transformations—whether from external influences, shifting needs, or modern pressures—their old traditions may no longer be effective. In such situations, new traditions are often created or adjusted to help communities preserve their identity while navigating the changing landscape.

Historical shifts, including the rise of Hinduism and Buddhism, have introduced new elements while marginalizing some older practices. Yet, amidst these changes, certain traditions persist because they hold deep significance, acting as cultural anchors. This phenomenon illustrates a critical point: cultural elements that endure are often those revered or deemed essential by their communities. At the same time, the loss of certain practices is inevitable, reflecting changing priorities, environments, and values.

Shamanism, a cornerstone of many Himalayan cultures, exemplifies the fluid nature of traditions. Historically rooted in animism and the deep connection between humans and nature, shamanism has undergone various changes over time. External religious influences, such as Hindu and Buddhist philosophies, have introduced syncretic practices. Tamang shamans (Bompos) may integrate Buddhist mantras into their rituals while preserving core elements like the Lha (soul) and the shamanic journey.

One key insight is that traditions do not survive solely because of historical continuity. They endure because they are revered—imbued with meaning and value by the community. Rituals, songs, and festivals tied to shamanic practices or nature worship continue in part because they resonate deeply with cultural identity and collective memory.

However, the reverence for certain practices also raises questions about what is lost. When oral traditions fade, or languages erode, the intricate details of rituals and cosmologies risk being forgotten. This loss does not diminish the adaptability of culture but highlights the importance of documentation and preservation efforts. Ethnographic studies, storytelling, and education are crucial in ensuring that even fading traditions find a place in the broader narrative of human history.

The fluid nature of culture is both its strength and its vulnerability. As traditions adapt to new circumstances, they demonstrate resilience, but this process also entails the loss of practices that no longer seem relevant. Environmental changes, shifting societal needs, and external pressures all contribute to this duality.

The story of Himalayan civilizations illustrates that culture is not a monolith but a living, breathing phenomenon. While acknowledging the inevitability of change, it is essential to preserve and document traditions that form the foundation of a community’s identity. Efforts to safeguard languages, rituals, and oral histories are not about resisting change but about ensuring that the essence of a culture endures through its evolution.

Only if we ponder upon the transformative nature of traditions, and accept it, can we truly achieve a balance—celebrating the dynamism of culture while honouring the legacy of the past. In doing so, we recognize that even as traditions change, they endure as crucial components in the continuous evolution of human civilization.

Chasok Tangnam: The Limbu Harvest Festival

Cultural festivals provide one of the few consistently affirming opportunities for indigenous communities in the Himalayas to strengthen and assert a more constructive self-image, both across generations and in the pursuit of their identity as a distinct culture. For the Limbus, the harvest festival of Chasok Tangnam serves a similar purpose. It represents both a profound connection between nature and spirituality and also acts as a protector of their rich cultural heritage.  Rooted in the Mundhum (the oral scripture and traditional philosophy) Chasok Tangnam is a celebration of gratitude and ecological reverence.

Chasok Tangnam is celebrated during the Udhauli season, which typically occurs in late autumn, in either November or December. This season marks the time of harvest when crops such as millet, rice, and buckwheat are gathered, aligning with the natural cycle of crop maturity. The festival thus coincides with a time of abundance and gratitude reflecting the agrarian values of the Limbu ancestors. The ritual of seeking permission from ancestors or nature to partake in the newly harvested crops is called ‘Chasok,’ whereas ‘Tangnam‘ translates to festival or celebration.

As an indigenous community of the Eastern Himalayas, the Limbu have long relied on farming as their primary means of livelihood. The Mundhum narrates the shift from a foraging to an agricultural society, facilitated by divine intervention.

In ancient times, during the era of Sawa Yethang, the earliest human ancestors relied on gathering wild fruits, roots, and tubers for survival. This fragile way of life eventually led to health problems, prompting them to seek divine intervention. Tagera Ningwaphuma, the creator of the world, answered their prayers by imparting the knowledge of agriculture. Sibera/Sikera Yakthungma, a wise and visionary woman, became a central figure in this transformative period. She cleared the land with wooden tools, sowed seeds, and guided the community in the practice of farming. The fertile plains along the Tamor River, now known as Nembo Yakwa Tesuma in Taplejung, are celebrated as the birthplace of this agricultural transformation. Following the first harvest, Sikera Yakthungma urged the people to offer a portion of their crops to nature and their ancestral spirits as an expression of gratitude, marking the origin of the Chasok Tangnam tradition.

These narratives, though mythological, display the socio-historical development of the Limbu community. The roots of the festival lie in the ancient practice of Nwagi, the ritual of offering newly harvested crops to deities and ancestors before human consumption. Over time, this practice evolved into the collective celebration of Chasok Tangnam.  The practices and metaphors that weave the life cycle of crops into cosmic, human, and social dynamics reveal how a community harmonizes applied knowledge, symbols, and rituals into an evolving cycle of meaning. This cycle adapts over time and grounds essential processes within the realms of physical life, the household, the village, and the Limbu spirit pantheon.

Today, Chasok Tangnam is a multifaceted celebration that integrates spiritual rituals, communal gatherings, and cultural performances. The festival typically coincides with the harvest season, aligning with the natural cycle of crop maturity. The rituals are performed by Devari, Mangdemba, Fedangmas, and Yebas/Yemas (Limbu shamans), who act as intermediaries between the physical and spiritual realms.

Unlike many other communities, the Limbus do not directly embed farming practices into rigid religious symbols. Instead, they root these practices in tangible elements, such as crops, which are central to both practical and symbolic operations. In the context of Chasok Tangnam, this adaptability is evident in how harvested crops serve as offerings to nature and ancestral spirits, symbolizing gratitude and the cyclical harmony of life. Even as cultural and social landscapes shift, the flexible symbolism of plants and natural elements ensures that their relevance endures. Local knowledge about grains and other resources operates subtly behind these rituals, allowing traditions like Chasok Tangnam to continuously evolve while preserving their essence.

When crops like maize, millet, and rice mature, the household’s primary woman meticulously harvests the rice and millet ears. The rice is threshed, roasted, and processed into flattened rice (chura), while the millet is hand-husked, and its husks are combined with chili and water to brew Jaad Saaptok, a ritual millet beer.

A stalk of Malingo (Himalayacalamus asper) is planted in the ground, and a Muthareko Dhungro (hollowed bamboo vessel), approximately 5–6 inches long, is prepared. This vessel is filled with Saaptok and placed at the top of the Malingo. Waso Phungwet/Chindo (dried bottle gourd) or a brass pot is filled with Dawakama Wadumpakwa (pure water) for libations on the shrine. The ritual space is established by leveling the ground and laying out banana leaves to create a long ceremonial area. Altars dedicated to Yuma Sammang and Theba Sammang, the primordial ancestors, are arranged, with offerings placed on plates. A lit lamp serves as the final touch to complete the sacred setup.

The ritual honors several deities and divine spirits from the Limbu pantheon.

Misekpa: The first deity worshiped to ensure that the ritual proceeds without any obstructions or mishaps.
Kuikudap or Taphemba: A hunting divine spirit that ensures no obstacles in the household life.
Thungdangba: The Sun deity, worshiped to ensure favorable weather for crops.
Seebera/Sikera Yakthungma: A maiden who, having helped with the first seed sowing and ensured crop growth, is worshiped for support and life-giving assistance.
Kapobba Him Sammang: A deity who protects the home, often seen as a guardian ancestor.
Kashihangma: A female companion deity of Yuma Sammang.
Yuma Sammang: The supreme goddess of the Yakthung Limbu people, embodying the power of maternal strength, closely linked to the creation deity Tagera Ningwaphuma.
Theba Sammang: The male counterpart deity of Yuma Sammang, representing paternal strength and the ancestral male deity of the Limbu people.

The centerpiece of Chasok Tangnam is the Nwagi ritual, in which newly harvested crops are offered to Tagera Ningwaphuma, the ancestors (Samjik), and nature spirits. The offerings usually include millet, rice, and seasonal produce, symbolizing the community’s gratitude for a bountiful harvest. The rituals are held at sacred sites like Mangkhims (ancestral worship places) and natural landmarks such as rivers, caves, and ridges, believed to be inhabited by the spirits of ancestors and deities. The shamans invoke the spirits using traditional chants and rituals found in the Mundhum. Sacred drums (Tangsing) and other ritual tools are used to establish a spiritual connection.

Traditional Limbu dances, like the Dhan Nach, are an integral part of Chasok Tangnam, accompanied by folk songs that recount ancestral tales and cultural teachings. The festival is also marked by communal feasts, where the harvested crops are shared among community members, reinforcing social unity and collective well-being.

From an anthropological perspective, Chasok Tangnam serves as a crucial cultural institution for the Limbu community. It shows the anthropological concepts of reciprocity, sacred ecology, and cultural transmission. By offering the first harvest to deities and ancestors, the Limbu people acknowledge the interconnectedness of all beings and the cyclical nature of life. This act reinforces the community’s deep sense of stewardship for the environment.

The rituals of Chasok Tangnam emphasize sacred ecology, a key element of Limbu cosmology. Natural features such as rivers, caves, and mountains are revered as sacred spaces that house ancestral spirits. This sacred respect extends to agriculture, where practices like crop rotation, agroforestry, and the careful management of sacred lands help maintain a harmonious balance with nature. These sustainable methods ensure that the relationship between humans and the environment is regenerative and respectful.

In the modern context, Chasok Tangnam remains a deeply significant cultural and spiritual event for the Limbu community, even as it faces challenges from urbanization and globalization. Efforts to preserve the festival are ongoing, through documentation of the Mundhum, cultural education programs, and community outreach. As the Limbu diaspora grows, Chasok Tangnam has spread beyond its traditional regions, with Limbu communities in urban areas and abroad holding their own celebrations.

The Mystical Rock

A long time ago, before clans were formed, people lived in the mountains. Life was simple, and the villagers relied on nature for everything. Above their village stood a great rock cliff, where, they said, a mysterious being lived. Some called him a Deuta (Deity), while others whispered that he was a Pret (Ghost).

At night, this being would leave the cliff and visit a young girl in the village. No one knew of these visits until one day, the girl discovered she was going to have a child. Frightened and unsure, she confessed to her parents.

“A deity visits me at night,” she said softly, her eyes lowered in shame. “I carry his child.”

Her father frowned deeply. “A deity or a ghost, no one should come and leave without showing his face! We will find out who this is,” he said firmly.

The mother nodded. “Next time he visits, tie this thread around his thumb,” she said, handing her daughter a long piece of string. “It will lead us to him.”

That night, the girl waited anxiously. When the being arrived, she tied the thread around his thumb while he wasn’t paying attention. Before dawn, the being left as usual, unaware of the trap.

“Pull the string, daughter!” her father whispered the next morning.

The girl followed the string, which stretched all the way to a water source (muhan) at the foot of the rock cliff. As she tugged harder, a cry echoed from deep within the rock.

“Aya! Aya! Stop pulling!”

The family now knew where the being lived. The father marched to the cliff and shouted, “Show yourself! You visit my daughter, yet you hide from us? Come out and face me!”

A deep voice came from within the rock. “I cannot leave my dwelling,” the being said. “What do you want from me?”

“You will marry my daughter and take responsibility for your child!” the father demanded.

“I cannot marry her,” replied the voice. “I am a god, bound to this rock. But I will offer you something else. Name your wish, and it shall be granted.”

The family discussed for a long time. Finally, the father said, “Teach us the secrets of farming. Give us tools and knowledge, so we can work the land and feed our people.”

“So be it,” said the voice.

The next morning, the family found gifts waiting at the rock’s base—a yoke, oxen, and all kinds of vessels and utensils, water jars, plates, and cups. From that day, they became the first to know the art of sowing, ploughing, and harvesting.

As time passed, the girl gave birth to a boy. Her father named him Deupahari Gharti—“The Landless Son of the Rock.” The name reminded everyone of his unusual birth.

When the boy grew up, he married a girl from a nearby settlement. But since he had no land, he and his family left the village. Crossing the hills, they came to the vast plains.

“Look at this soil,” said Deupahari to his wife. “It is rich. Here, we will grow crops and make a life.”

And so, with the tools given by the god, he tilled the land, turning the plains into fertile fields.

Hearing of this success, people from other clans came. They were amazed by Deupahari’s skills.

“How do you plough the land so well?” they asked.

Deupahari smiled. “A deity taught my family the secrets of farming. I can teach you too.”

Grateful, the other clans agreed that Deupahari’s family—the Gharti—should always perform the first tilling of the fields each year.

“It is your right,” they said. “If anyone else begins, the gods may become angry and bring drought.”

And so, Deupahari and his descendants were honored as the first farmers, linked forever to the deity of the rock cliff and the watersource.

Even today, the Gharti clan is remembered as the keepers of this sacred legacy, the ones who brought the gift of agriculture to their people.